Narrowing of political space noted prior to
Ethiopia's election, Freedom House 2010 Report
8 June, 2010 | Freedom House
Trend Arrow
Ethiopia received a downward trend arrow due to the narrowing of
political space in advance of the 2010 elections, the government’s
crackdown on the operations of nongovernmental organizations, and its
passing of a draconian antiterrorism law.
Overview
Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s government bolstered restrictions
on political activity in 2009 as it prepared for federal and regional
elections scheduled for 2010. Opposition party activists were
arrested, and a new antiterrorism law gave the government broad
authority to crack down on perceived opponents. Other legislation
enacted during the year imposed strict controls on civil society
organizations.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
One of the few African countries to avoid decades of European
colonization, Ethiopia ended a long tradition of monarchy in 1974, when
Emperor Haile Selassie was overthrown in a Marxist military coup.
Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam ruled the country until a coalition of
guerrilla groups led by forces from the northern Tigray region
overthrew his brutal dictatorship in 1991. The main rebel group, the
Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), formed a
new regime, and its leader Meles Zenawi became interim president.
Under the EPRDF, democratic institutions and a new constitution were
introduced. Most of the opposition boycotted elections held in 1995,
claiming harassment of its supporters precluded a fair vote, and Meles
became prime minister. He began a second five-year term after the 2000
elections, which the EPRDF also won easily. Opposition parties and
some observers criticized the government’s conduct of the vote.
A border dispute with Eritrea, which had gained formal independence
from Ethiopia in 1993 after a long guerrilla conflict, triggered a war that
lasted from 1998 to 2000. The Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission
was then established to draw a new border, but Ethiopia rejected its
2002 decision to assign the town of Badme to Eritrea.
In the 2005 elections for the powerful lower house of Parliament, the
EPRDF and its allies won 327 seats, while the two main opposition
parties took 161 seats, up from 12 in the previous Parliament.
Notwithstanding their gains, opposition parties argued that fraud and
interference in the electoral process had deprived them of outright
victory. Street demonstrations led to violence and a harsh reaction by
the authorities. At least 193 people were killed and more than 4,000
were arrested, including leading opposition figures, who were finally
pardoned and released in 2007.
The opposition boycotted local elections in 2008, accusing the EPRDF
of harassment. Opposition activities were further restricted in 2009, as
the EPRDF prepared for the 2010 federal and regional elections. In
June, 45 members of an unregistered political party were charged with
trying to topple the government.
Ethiopia’s relations with neighboring countries were tense but stable in
2009. The border dispute with Eritrea remained unresolved, but
Ethiopian forces completed their withdrawal from Somalia, ending a
disastrous three-year campaign aimed at destroying Islamist rebel
groups and propping up the war-torn country’s Transitional Federal
Government.
Meanwhile, Ethiopia continued to face separatist movements in Oromiya
and the Ogaden. Sporadic fighting persisted between government forces
and Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) guerrillas. The authorities
have banned journalists from the region, preventing the outside world
from accurately assessing the situation there.
Ongoing drought in parts of the country in 2009 led to a warning that
five million people would be in need of food aid, in addition to the eight
million who already received it. The drought also reduced Ethiopia’s
hydroelectric power output, causing frequent outages in Addis Ababa
and contributing to a growth rate of less than 2 percent according to the
United Nations, which was far less than the 10 percent claimed by the
government.
Political Rights and Civil Liberties
Ethiopia is not an electoral democracy. However, the presence of a
significant elected opposition at the federal level since 2005 does mark a
possible step forward in the development of the country’s democratic
political culture.
The bicameral Parliament consists of a 108-seat upper house, the House
of Federation, and a 547-seat lower house, the House of People’s
Representatives. The lower house is filled through popular elections,
while the upper chamber is selected by the state legislatures, with both
serving five-year terms. The House of People’s Representatives selects
the prime minister, who holds most executive power, and the president,
who serves in a largely ceremonial capacity for six-year terms. The
1995 constitution has a number of unique features, including a federal
structure that grants certain powers and the right of secession to
ethnically based states. However, in 2003 the central government
acquired additional powers to intervene in states’ affairs when public
security is deemed to be at risk.
More than 60 legally recognized political parties are active in Ethiopia,
but the EPRDF dominates political life. Government harassment has
seriously impeded the ability of opposition parties to function, although
some have used rhetoric that could be interpreted as advocating
violence, or have failed to conduct themselves in a manner consistent
with a democratic political culture.
A recent series of arrests of opposition figures appeared to signal a
crackdown on political freedoms in advance of the 2010 elections. Unity
for Democracy and Justice party leader Birtukan Mideksa, who had
received a sentence of life in prison after the 2005 postelection violence
and was pardoned in 2007, was rearrested in December 2008 after her
pardon was revoked. In June 2009, 46 people were charged with
plotting to overthrow the government on behalf of Ginbot 7, an
unregistered party. In November, a court convicted 26 of the
defendants after a trial that legal rights groups criticized as unfair.
However, a high-profile opponent of the government, the singer
Tewodros Kassahun, known as Teddy Afro, was released early from a
two-year prison sentence in August 2009; he had been convicted for a
hit-and-run automobile accident, but his supporters claimed that the
case was politically motivated.
The government has taken a number of steps to limit corruption,
including the imposition of asset-disclosure rules for state officials.
However, graft remains a significant problem. Former prime minister
Tamrat Layne and former defense minister Seye Abreha were convicted
of corruption in 2007, but both had been released by the end of 2008,
having already served several years in prison on other corruption
charges.Ethiopia was ranked 120 out of 180 countries surveyed in
Transparency International’s 2009 Corruption Perceptions Index.
The news media are dominated by state-owned broadcasters and
government-oriented newspapers. There are a number of independent
newspapers, but they struggle financially and face intermittent
government harassment. The only independent newspaper in the capital,
Addis Neger, suspended operations in November, as staff said they
feared prosecution by the authorities. A 2008 media law has had a
chilling effect on freedom of speech. Although it barred government
censorship of private media, the measure allowed prosecutors to seize
material before publication in the name of national security and gave the
government broader powers to pursue defamation cases. Journalists
who fall foul of the government risk exile or imprisonment. In two
separate cases in August 2009, journalists were given one-year prison
sentences for spreading false information. Internet usage is confined
mainly to major urban areas, and the government has blocked
opposition-run websites.
Constitutionally mandated religious freedom is generally respected,
although religious tensions have risen in recent years. The Ethiopian
Orthodox Church is influential, particularly in the north. In the south
there is a large Muslim community, made up mainly of the Somali,
Oromo, and Afari ethnic groups.
Academic freedom is restricted. Prime Minister Meles Zenawi has
accused universities of being friendly to the opposition, and their
activities are closely monitored. In recent years, student protests against
government policies have led to scores of deaths and injuries and
hundreds of arrests. The government has tried to establish a more
orderly and loyal academic community by creating 13 new state
universities. Growing intolerance of dissent has dampened private
discussion in the country, as even ordinary citizens face harassment or
arrest for speaking out against the government.
Freedoms of assembly and association are limited. In January 2009, the
House of People’s Representatives passed the Charities and Societies
Proclamation, which is designed to restrict the ability of foreign
nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to bypass government channels
when they disburse funds. Foreign NGOs are defined as groups that
receive more than 10 percent of their funding from abroad. The
measure also gives the government broad authority to restrict NGO
activities it deems unhelpful, such as campaigning for human and
political rights. All civil society organizations are required to reregister
with the government under the new rules.
Trade union rights are tightly restricted. Government workers in
“essential industries,” a term that is broadly defined, are not allowed to
strike, and the Confederation of Ethiopian Unions is under government
control. Some union leaders suspected of engaging in political activity
have been removed from their elected offices or forced to leave the
country. All unions must be registered, and the government retains the
authority to cancel union registration.
The judiciary is officially independent, although there have been few
significant examples of decisions at variance with government policy.
Suspects are routinely held without warrants, and cases can take a long
time to reach court. A draconian new counterterrorism law, passed by
the government in July 2009, defines terrorist activity very broadly and
gives great discretion to the security forces. According to Human
Rights Watch, the law could be used to prosecute peaceful political
protesters and impose the death penalty for offenses as minor as
damaging public property. Conditions in Ethiopia’s prisons are harsh,
and the International Committee of the Red Cross is not permitted to
inspect federal facilities and police stations. Detainees frequently report
being abused or tortured.
The government has tended to favor Tigrayan ethnic interests in
economic and political matters. Politics within the EPRDF have been
dominated by the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front. Discrimination
against other groups, especially the Oromo, has been widespread.
According to the International Crisis Group, Ethiopia’s federal system
of government, which grants autonomy to the dominant ethnic group in
each region, has increased tensions between communities. Repression
of the Oromo and ethnic Somalis, and government attempts to co-opt
their parties into subsidiaries of the EPRDF, have helped to fuel
nationalism in both Oromiya and the Ogaden.
The government has established a Women’s Affairs Ministry, and
Parliament has passed legislation designed to protect women’s rights. In
practice, however, women’s rights are routinely violated. Women have
traditionally had few land or property rights, especially in rural areas,
where there is little opportunity for female employment beyond
agricultural labor. General deficiencies in education exacerbate the
problems of rural poverty and gender inequality. According to the NGO
Save the Children, Ethiopia has one of the lowest rates of school
enrollment in sub-Saharan Africa.
Courtesy
Ethiopia's election, Freedom House 2010 Report
8 June, 2010 | Freedom House
- Ethiopia (2010)
Capital: Addis Ababa
Population: 82,825,000
Political Rights Score: 5
Civil Liberties Score: 5
Status: Partly Free
Trend Arrow
Ethiopia received a downward trend arrow due to the narrowing of
political space in advance of the 2010 elections, the government’s
crackdown on the operations of nongovernmental organizations, and its
passing of a draconian antiterrorism law.
Overview
Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s government bolstered restrictions
on political activity in 2009 as it prepared for federal and regional
elections scheduled for 2010. Opposition party activists were
arrested, and a new antiterrorism law gave the government broad
authority to crack down on perceived opponents. Other legislation
enacted during the year imposed strict controls on civil society
organizations.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
One of the few African countries to avoid decades of European
colonization, Ethiopia ended a long tradition of monarchy in 1974, when
Emperor Haile Selassie was overthrown in a Marxist military coup.
Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam ruled the country until a coalition of
guerrilla groups led by forces from the northern Tigray region
overthrew his brutal dictatorship in 1991. The main rebel group, the
Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), formed a
new regime, and its leader Meles Zenawi became interim president.
Under the EPRDF, democratic institutions and a new constitution were
introduced. Most of the opposition boycotted elections held in 1995,
claiming harassment of its supporters precluded a fair vote, and Meles
became prime minister. He began a second five-year term after the 2000
elections, which the EPRDF also won easily. Opposition parties and
some observers criticized the government’s conduct of the vote.
A border dispute with Eritrea, which had gained formal independence
from Ethiopia in 1993 after a long guerrilla conflict, triggered a war that
lasted from 1998 to 2000. The Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission
was then established to draw a new border, but Ethiopia rejected its
2002 decision to assign the town of Badme to Eritrea.
In the 2005 elections for the powerful lower house of Parliament, the
EPRDF and its allies won 327 seats, while the two main opposition
parties took 161 seats, up from 12 in the previous Parliament.
Notwithstanding their gains, opposition parties argued that fraud and
interference in the electoral process had deprived them of outright
victory. Street demonstrations led to violence and a harsh reaction by
the authorities. At least 193 people were killed and more than 4,000
were arrested, including leading opposition figures, who were finally
pardoned and released in 2007.
The opposition boycotted local elections in 2008, accusing the EPRDF
of harassment. Opposition activities were further restricted in 2009, as
the EPRDF prepared for the 2010 federal and regional elections. In
June, 45 members of an unregistered political party were charged with
trying to topple the government.
Ethiopia’s relations with neighboring countries were tense but stable in
2009. The border dispute with Eritrea remained unresolved, but
Ethiopian forces completed their withdrawal from Somalia, ending a
disastrous three-year campaign aimed at destroying Islamist rebel
groups and propping up the war-torn country’s Transitional Federal
Government.
Meanwhile, Ethiopia continued to face separatist movements in Oromiya
and the Ogaden. Sporadic fighting persisted between government forces
and Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) guerrillas. The authorities
have banned journalists from the region, preventing the outside world
from accurately assessing the situation there.
Ongoing drought in parts of the country in 2009 led to a warning that
five million people would be in need of food aid, in addition to the eight
million who already received it. The drought also reduced Ethiopia’s
hydroelectric power output, causing frequent outages in Addis Ababa
and contributing to a growth rate of less than 2 percent according to the
United Nations, which was far less than the 10 percent claimed by the
government.
Political Rights and Civil Liberties
Ethiopia is not an electoral democracy. However, the presence of a
significant elected opposition at the federal level since 2005 does mark a
possible step forward in the development of the country’s democratic
political culture.
The bicameral Parliament consists of a 108-seat upper house, the House
of Federation, and a 547-seat lower house, the House of People’s
Representatives. The lower house is filled through popular elections,
while the upper chamber is selected by the state legislatures, with both
serving five-year terms. The House of People’s Representatives selects
the prime minister, who holds most executive power, and the president,
who serves in a largely ceremonial capacity for six-year terms. The
1995 constitution has a number of unique features, including a federal
structure that grants certain powers and the right of secession to
ethnically based states. However, in 2003 the central government
acquired additional powers to intervene in states’ affairs when public
security is deemed to be at risk.
More than 60 legally recognized political parties are active in Ethiopia,
but the EPRDF dominates political life. Government harassment has
seriously impeded the ability of opposition parties to function, although
some have used rhetoric that could be interpreted as advocating
violence, or have failed to conduct themselves in a manner consistent
with a democratic political culture.
A recent series of arrests of opposition figures appeared to signal a
crackdown on political freedoms in advance of the 2010 elections. Unity
for Democracy and Justice party leader Birtukan Mideksa, who had
received a sentence of life in prison after the 2005 postelection violence
and was pardoned in 2007, was rearrested in December 2008 after her
pardon was revoked. In June 2009, 46 people were charged with
plotting to overthrow the government on behalf of Ginbot 7, an
unregistered party. In November, a court convicted 26 of the
defendants after a trial that legal rights groups criticized as unfair.
However, a high-profile opponent of the government, the singer
Tewodros Kassahun, known as Teddy Afro, was released early from a
two-year prison sentence in August 2009; he had been convicted for a
hit-and-run automobile accident, but his supporters claimed that the
case was politically motivated.
The government has taken a number of steps to limit corruption,
including the imposition of asset-disclosure rules for state officials.
However, graft remains a significant problem. Former prime minister
Tamrat Layne and former defense minister Seye Abreha were convicted
of corruption in 2007, but both had been released by the end of 2008,
having already served several years in prison on other corruption
charges.Ethiopia was ranked 120 out of 180 countries surveyed in
Transparency International’s 2009 Corruption Perceptions Index.
The news media are dominated by state-owned broadcasters and
government-oriented newspapers. There are a number of independent
newspapers, but they struggle financially and face intermittent
government harassment. The only independent newspaper in the capital,
Addis Neger, suspended operations in November, as staff said they
feared prosecution by the authorities. A 2008 media law has had a
chilling effect on freedom of speech. Although it barred government
censorship of private media, the measure allowed prosecutors to seize
material before publication in the name of national security and gave the
government broader powers to pursue defamation cases. Journalists
who fall foul of the government risk exile or imprisonment. In two
separate cases in August 2009, journalists were given one-year prison
sentences for spreading false information. Internet usage is confined
mainly to major urban areas, and the government has blocked
opposition-run websites.
Constitutionally mandated religious freedom is generally respected,
although religious tensions have risen in recent years. The Ethiopian
Orthodox Church is influential, particularly in the north. In the south
there is a large Muslim community, made up mainly of the Somali,
Oromo, and Afari ethnic groups.
Academic freedom is restricted. Prime Minister Meles Zenawi has
accused universities of being friendly to the opposition, and their
activities are closely monitored. In recent years, student protests against
government policies have led to scores of deaths and injuries and
hundreds of arrests. The government has tried to establish a more
orderly and loyal academic community by creating 13 new state
universities. Growing intolerance of dissent has dampened private
discussion in the country, as even ordinary citizens face harassment or
arrest for speaking out against the government.
Freedoms of assembly and association are limited. In January 2009, the
House of People’s Representatives passed the Charities and Societies
Proclamation, which is designed to restrict the ability of foreign
nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to bypass government channels
when they disburse funds. Foreign NGOs are defined as groups that
receive more than 10 percent of their funding from abroad. The
measure also gives the government broad authority to restrict NGO
activities it deems unhelpful, such as campaigning for human and
political rights. All civil society organizations are required to reregister
with the government under the new rules.
Trade union rights are tightly restricted. Government workers in
“essential industries,” a term that is broadly defined, are not allowed to
strike, and the Confederation of Ethiopian Unions is under government
control. Some union leaders suspected of engaging in political activity
have been removed from their elected offices or forced to leave the
country. All unions must be registered, and the government retains the
authority to cancel union registration.
The judiciary is officially independent, although there have been few
significant examples of decisions at variance with government policy.
Suspects are routinely held without warrants, and cases can take a long
time to reach court. A draconian new counterterrorism law, passed by
the government in July 2009, defines terrorist activity very broadly and
gives great discretion to the security forces. According to Human
Rights Watch, the law could be used to prosecute peaceful political
protesters and impose the death penalty for offenses as minor as
damaging public property. Conditions in Ethiopia’s prisons are harsh,
and the International Committee of the Red Cross is not permitted to
inspect federal facilities and police stations. Detainees frequently report
being abused or tortured.
The government has tended to favor Tigrayan ethnic interests in
economic and political matters. Politics within the EPRDF have been
dominated by the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front. Discrimination
against other groups, especially the Oromo, has been widespread.
According to the International Crisis Group, Ethiopia’s federal system
of government, which grants autonomy to the dominant ethnic group in
each region, has increased tensions between communities. Repression
of the Oromo and ethnic Somalis, and government attempts to co-opt
their parties into subsidiaries of the EPRDF, have helped to fuel
nationalism in both Oromiya and the Ogaden.
The government has established a Women’s Affairs Ministry, and
Parliament has passed legislation designed to protect women’s rights. In
practice, however, women’s rights are routinely violated. Women have
traditionally had few land or property rights, especially in rural areas,
where there is little opportunity for female employment beyond
agricultural labor. General deficiencies in education exacerbate the
problems of rural poverty and gender inequality. According to the NGO
Save the Children, Ethiopia has one of the lowest rates of school
enrollment in sub-Saharan Africa.
Courtesy
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| A row over human rights Feb.5 ( Economist ) - INDEPENDENT voices in Ethiopia are finding it ever harder to be heard. Suffocated by an irascible government,... More |
| Related Stories Ethiopia: Amnesty International 2010 Annual Report on Human Rights Human Rights Watch World Report 2010 Human Rights Watch Ethiopia: Amend Draft Law Human Rights Watch New Ethiopia law may criminalise opposition - group By Barry Malone The law would classify acts that cause serious damage to property or disruption of a public service as terrorism. It would also criminalise speech that may be interpreted as "encouraging terrorism". Reuters Ethiopia's opposition parties resist new draft law on terrorism Ethiopia’s opposition political parties and parliamentary members strongly opposed a new anti- terrorism draft proclamation... Sudan Tribune Is Rock Throwing Punishable by Death in Ethiopia? New Draft of Ethiopian “Anti-Terrorism Proclamation” Revealed SMNE |
