Three Generations of Prisoners in Ethiopia Today
17 June, 2009 | By Professor Negussay Ayele
Part I Contextual Profile On Re-imprisoned Mrs. Birtukan
Mideksa of Ethiopia
Ethiopians who are in their 70’s plus today have survived through four
political tsunamis the country has undergone in the last six decades.
These include the bestial but short-lived Mussolini/Fascist invasion of
the country (1936-41); the resumption of semi-feudal imperial rule by
Emperor Haile Sellassie (1941-1974); the popular mass revolution
subsequently taken over by the military (Derg) (1974-1991). The fourth
regime is the current tandem occupation of the country and the severing
of Eritrea from Ethiopia by Isayass/ EPLF and the crony, the Tigrayan
TPLF under Meles (1991- present). Among other things, the most
tragic and defining characteristic in the transitions and tenures of the
regimes–with the qualified exception of periods of the Haile Sellassie
era—is the cyclical rampancy of violence, oppression, death and
destruction visited upon the ever enduring Ethiopian people. There were
also famines, environmental degradation as well as internal and interstate
conflicts that further exacerbated the suffering of the people.
What emerges as an explanatory paradigm for analysis of political
phenomena in Ethiopia in general revolves around what I call “the
culture of violence and the violence of culture” that has permeated and
defined Ethiopia’s political history, not just for the past seven decades
but for centuries? The current tribalist regime has already used its
monopoly of deadly force and absolute political hegemony to sever
Eritrea and wantonly land lock Ethiopia. It continues to use brute force
to massacre Ethiopians and obliterate Ethiopia per se. It is in the context
of its words and, more importantly, its deeds that one can at least
attempt to reckon with current events such as the regime’s capricious
incarceration (again) of Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa, Chairperson of the
Unity for Democracy and Justice Party of Ethiopia.
For virtually all of its history, political leadership or right to rule in
Ethiopia has not been a matter of peoples choice or but of divine
ordination. Hence, one of the several titles of Emperor Haile Sellassie
was “Elect of God.” Such a political culture does not engender or
encourage political participation by citizens be they males or even less
so females—unless elected by God or by the Gun. Indeed some
emperors reached the pinnacle of power by the gun and then coerced
the clergy to confirm them as “elect” of God. Still, there were some
female empresses as well by virtue of being a king’s daughter. Empress
Zewditu Menelik at the turn of the twentieth Century was one such
example.
The Modest Beginnings of Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa
Having come of age in a stifling political culture, the young, dynamic
and charismatic Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa emerged into the political
spotlight in the early period of the 21st Century. She was born in 1974
in Addis Ababa. On the material side of life, hers were low income
parents but she said she was raised with so much rich love and care.
She had a positive and friendly disposition towards all she encountered.
She was superior at school and eventually joined Addis Ababa
University. She recalls that she wanted to do public service and her
shortlist was law or medicine. She then heard about a lady judge who
had reached the level of Justice of the High Court of Ethiopia. That
inspired young Birtukan to aspire to serve her people in the realm of law
and justice. In 1989, shortly after her graduation, she was appointed
judge and served with competence and equanimity—insofar as the
system would allow–for the next six years, followed by law practice.
The Janus-faced devious regime of autocrat Meles Zenawi in Ethiopia
operates with absolute armed power at home and duplicitous
propaganda abroad. It denies what it really is and does in the country
while it projects what it is not to the rest of the world. Under such
circumstances a general “election” was slated for 2005 and a number of
patriotic, democratic and dedicated Ethiopians formed parties and
coalitions to peacefully contest in the “election”—even though they had
serious doubts about the regime’s trustworthiness. They were,
however, encouraged in this endeavor by European and American
groups and election observers who promised to be rigorous in
monitoring the voting and counting processes and holding the ruling
regime and all concerned accountable. It was at this momentous
occasion that Birtukan joined the democratic movement and she was
selected to be Deputy Chair of the Kinijit (Coalition) Democratic Party
of Ethiopia.
The Historic 2005 Elections
Next to the 1994 election in South Africa that transferred formal
political power from the tribalist Apartheid regime to Nelson Mandela
and his ANC, the May 2005 elections in Ethiopia was also historic on
the African continent. Millions of Ethiopians converged in the streets
and squares of Addis Ababa as they never had before in support of
Kinijit’s bid to win the elections. The ruling TPLF tribal front also called
“party” was drowned by millions of people supporting alternative
democratic parties (often referred to as the “Opposition”). On election
day hundreds of thousands thronged to voting stations throughout the
country as never before. The regime could see that the democratic will
of the people—when given a chance were not with the regime but with
Kinijit and a few other alternative parties. So, immediately the ruthless
regime set in motion its “security” thugs to rampage, kill, maim and
otherwise disrupt the democratic process to nullify the results. But, at
that moment, it could do very little to change the results in Addis Ababa,
partly because there was a heavy concentration of international
observers and monitors in the city and partly because ballot counting
was done and results announced quickly before the regime could mess
with it. As a result Kinijit won more than 80% of the seats to
“parliament” and earned the leadership of the capital city. In fact, Kinijit
had also elected Dr. Berhanu Nega, one of the rising stars of Kinijit to be
Mayor of Addis Ababa.
In most of the country, the TPLF proxies were also trounced before all
the hackneyed vote tampering actions were set in motion buttressed by
the liberal use of the gun. In a BBC interview later the TPLF dictator,
Meles Zenawi, had a slip of the tongue when he said “we
miscalculated…” He was trying to rationalize the rash of killings and
stealing or nullifying the phenomenal election victory by the peaceful
and democratic challengers to perpetuate his despotic rule. In point of
fact the “miscalculation” on the part of autocrat Prime Minister (pm)
Meles and his TPLF cronies was its gamble of thinking it could control
the outcome of the election just as they had done before without having
their feet set to the fire by so much international exposure. In the event,
European and American observers made from strong to mild criticisms
of the election process, but did not do anything consequential to restrain
the regime from its binge of killing and incarcerating of hundreds of
innocent Ethiopians and stealing the election. For what it is worth, Ms.
Anna Gomez of the European Union stands out as practically the sole
consistent and enduring voice of morality, integrity and courage on the
matter–to this day.
From Winners to Prisoners
As if all that was not enough shame for the sinister Meles/TPLF
occupation regime [for more on this, see my Occupation of
Ethiopia/Eritrea by Meles/Isayass on Mediaethiopia.com], it arrested 131
top Ethiopian elected democratic party leaders, elder statesmen,
activists, journalists, human rights advocates and academics and
dumped them in Kaliti jail like common criminals on 7 November 2005.
Predictably, among the jailed leaders was, of course, Judge Mrs.
Birtukan Mideksa. The repressive Meles regime was impervious to
incessant peaceful protests at home or mild expressions of concern
abroad by human rights organizations, individual politicians and the
press. These prisoners of conscience languished in prison for over a
year before some serious action commenced for their release. A small
group of elderly Ethiopians from various backgrounds and calling
themselves a coalition of ‘elders’ ( shemagelay) emerged on the
scene to mediate between despot Meles and the trapped mass political
prisoners. For the most part pm Meles dealt personally with the
coordinator of the elders. The prisoners were paraded from time to time
to hear bogus charges in the TPLF kangaroo court for publicity
purposes. They pleaded not guilty whenever the “court” made
perfunctory gestures to let them speak. There is an Ethiopian saying (
) “the son is the thief, his father is the judge, and one might add, his
mother is the witness.” In this case, pm Meles is the kleptomaniac who
stole the election, thereby spawning intensive but peaceful protests
resulting in the murder and the maiming of hundreds of Ethiopian
citizens and the incarceration of the 131 prisoners of conscience. Meles
is also the jailer who personally and absolutely controls his kangaroo
courts. Likewise, his own gun crafted “constitution” is his witness.
That is the brazen definition of “justice” and “rule of law” of autocrat
Meles/TPLF. Thus, he is thief/jailer, prosecutor/judge and the witness
all rolled into one.
The leaders and followers of the Ethiopian democratic alternative parties
knew all along that their only “crime” was their astounding and
embarrassing peaceful victory over the pompous guntotting regime at
the ballot box. Finally, after enduring for so long the physical and
psychological harm and injustice visited upon them as well as their
families, colleagues, and colleagues, the end of the ordeal was nigh. The
elders announced a deal between pm Meles and his innocent victims, in
the context of a maze of contradictory series of actions by the regime
and they left the prison on 21 July 2007. While most of the leaders of
the democratic alternative parties were in jail, the capricious regime was
busy dismantling their organizations, changing the rules of the game,
withdrawing “legal” status, evicting the political parties from their
headquarters and using divide et impera tactics to sow the seeds of
discord among the leaders and alienate members from the leaderships as
well.
Shemaglays, ‘Legal’ Manipulation, and Release of Prisoners
The elders were communicating and liaising for about a year and a half
between the prisoners and potentate Meles to attain the political
prisoners’ release. The elders—more specifically the coordinator–dealt
exclusively with pm Meles. Technically, according to the Meles/TPLF
‘constitution’ matters, commuting or sustaining of sentences lies in the
realm of the President or head of state and not with the prime minister.
Neither the “courts” nor any other persons or institutions were involved
with the elders from beginning to end. It has been pointed out recently
(AwdeEthiopia blog # 28) that Meles, whose manipulative skill for evil is
legendary, is said to have his “court” issue a retroactive life sentence on
the prisoners of conscience after (emphasis added) he pocketed their
obligatory signatures acknowledging his “clemency.” The semantics of
this tortured process was to come in handy for him to send judge
Birtukan to solitary confinement back in Kaliti “for life” on 29 December
2008.
After their release the Ethiopian citizens tried to attain a semblance of
normalcy and pick up the pieces of their personal, social and political
lives. It was not easy. All kinds of kangaroo
court/parliament/bureaucracy “laws” and trip wires were set to
frustrate, entrap and impede their paths to resuming their obligations to
the Ethiopian people effectively. Parties like Kinijit were proscribed
outright. Some followers had defected or abandoned the parties by
force of circumstances spawned by the regime’s intimidations. The
leaderships soon fractured and internecine political struggles ensued. In
time, the decent, charming, serious Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa emerged as
the overwhelming favorite to head a new democratic alternative party
named Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ). The new parties were
making the rounds in the country under difficult and terrorizing
circumstances, and they also visited Europe and North America to
touch base with Diaspora Ethiopian communities. In the course of one
such visit to Sweden, UDJ chairperson Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa, was
asked about the condition/s of the prisoners’ release. Sound bites
quickly spread in earthly and cyber space pertaining to Mrs. Birtukan’s
rendition of the circumstances of her release. The capricious pm Meles
charged that she had been released by his “pardon” and if she questions
or denies that, she would be arrested and jailed in solitary confinement
“for life” unless she recants. There was no provision, written or
implied, about breach of what was signed and consequences thereof.
[For more on this, see Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam, “If you can’t
beat up the big boys in Mogadishu, beat on the woman and the old man
in Addis Ababa” in freebirtukan.org].
The upshot is that the release was not a simple matter of asking
forgiveness for alleged crimes or breach of “law.” Except for the bogus
charges of the regime, the prisoners were completely innocent in the
first place. It was more a case of complying with age old Ethiopian
cultural values– especially at the behest of Shemaglays–of letting go of
mutual recriminations between the powers that be and the prisoners of
conscience without compromising the rights and fundamental interests
of the people. The draconian Meles regime dubbed its version of what
Mrs. Birtukan said or meant to say as tantamount to breaching the terms
of her release. In short order Meles sends his “security” goons to the
home of one of the Shemagelays where she and Professor Mesfin
Woldemariam, the veteran teacher, human rights advocate and fellow
prisoner in Kaliti were at the time. The “police” could have given her a
simple summons to appear in “court”. After all, by the regime’s own
“standards”, Mrs. Birtukan is an attorney at law in good standing and a
former judge. Instead they subjected her to a rough “illegal” arrest as if
she had just committed or was about to commit a heinous crime. When
the senior citizen and venerable Professor Mesfin tried to gently say that
all the roughshod treatment was unnecessary, he was physically
assaulted and tongue lashed. Mrs. Birtukan was hauled to prison on 29
December 2008 where she remains in solitary confinement—“for life.”
Mrs. Birtukan later issued what she called “my testimony” [The quotes
from her in this section are from the English version that is posted in
www.freebirtukan.org] in which she made a competent crisp legal
analysis of the “clemency” fracas. She began by saying “Although there
is nothing that I will say different from what I know and believe in, I
have decided to write this to clarify the issue since what happened has
raised questions among the public. And, she added somewhat
ominously: “Perhaps this can be my last word.” She then goes on to
elaborate on the fact that the elders explained that “if we sign the
document, which was crafted on the basis of our country’s tradition of
forgiveness, the case would be stopped and the court file would be
closed. She notes that the elders cited pm Meles’s exact words: “If this
document is signed, using my executive power I will make sure that the
charges be dropped.” The Meles-manipulated “mediation” process that
produced the “document” the prisoners signed on 18 June 2006, was a
complicated Byzantine political, legal and personal (Meles) maze. Those
Kaliti fellow prison graduates who came out and spoke on the subject
have corroborated the veracity of what she said. Mrs Birtukan
concludes her brief with the following on the arbitrary and boorish
manner of her arrest by the police and the real motive, for her
reimprisonment:
“The only person that can remove the pardon is the President, and not
the Executive (i.e. Meles) that you consider the government. Twenty
days after the request for removal of pardon has been received by the
person, if the pardon board agrees with the decision, the request will be
presented to the President, and it is only after that the President might
revoke the pardon. I wanted to explain to the Commissioner (of Police)
these proper procedures that are necessary to remove a pardon. But I
did not (get to) do that. After confirming that he has finished his
speech, I left the room without saying a word. In my opinion, the reason
why all these illegal intimidations and warnings have been aimed at me,
have nothing to do with playing with words or inaccurate statements or
rules broken. The message is clear and this message is not only for me
but also for all who are active in the peaceful struggle. A peaceful and
law-abiding political struggle can be conducted only within the limits
the ruling party and individuals set and not according to what the
constitution allows. And for me it is extremely difficult to accept this.”
What Mrs. Birtukan points to at the end of her statement is the open
secret that the Meles regime has another general “election” coming up in
2010. The popular, competent and charismatic Mrs Birtukan and her
UDJ party constitute once again a palpable threat to oust pm Meles in a
free and fair election. Therefore, it is deemed necessary to remove her
from the political scene to insure the perpetuation of Meles/TPLF
repressive rule in Ethiopia. AwdeEthiopia summarizes what Mrs.
Birtukan’s incarceration means in the wider scheme of things.
Imprisoning Birtukan is not just a matter of taking one individual or
one party out of circulation. Holding Birtukan captive is snuffing out
the dreams and hopes of our sisters and daughters. Jailing Birtukan is
arresting the patriotism and aspirations for leadership of young
Ethiopians. Incarcerating Birtukan is derailing the path to civil and
peaceful political succession in place of the hackneyed cyclical violence
and rule by the gun. Caging Birtukan is dousing our chance of
leadership by a capable young lady.
Part II A poignant interview with Birtukan’s mother and her 4-
year old daughter follows
An interview with Mrs. Birtukan’s mother and daughter
(translated from the Ethiopic)*
Political Prisoner Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa of Ethiopia
Chairperson of Unity for Democracy & Justice Party
Interview by Addis Admas Ethiopic newspaper with Mrs. Almaz Gebre
Egziabher, the mother of Mrs. Birtukan Mideqsa, Ethiopian Democratic
Party leader, whose current address is (again) Kaliti prison near Addis
Ababa, and her daughter Haale (alpha) Mideksa. The interview was
subsequently posted on Ethiopiazare.com.
Question (Q) Is Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa your only child?
Answer (A) I have a son from my first husband. After settling in Addis
Ababa later on, I was married to Ethiopian Imperial Bodyguard veteran,
Corporal Mideksa Demie, and gave birth to my only daughter Mimi—
Birtukan’s [affectionate name] in 1974.
Even though our family’s standard of living was low, we raised her
with special care and doting as our only daughter. Upon reaching school
age, she attended Miazia 23 School in Addis Ababa.
What amazed us about Birtukan was that she would come home from
school and just drop her books and notes and not even spend time
studying. And we also learned that she had the habit of always raising
her hand in class a drilling her teachers with questions. Still, she earned
very good grades at every level and completed her eighth grade with a
perfect 100 point scholastic score. I was, of course, elated at her
brilliant achievement. She entered the well known Empress Menen high
school and finished with very good grades. She was admitted at Addis
Ababa University where she majored in law. Her streak of academic
excellence continued unabated, and we proudly celebrated her
University graduation by hosting a big open door public reception.
Q. How did she get along in the neighborhood as a child?
A. What I say about Mimi (affectionate name for Birtukan) is not just
because she is my daughter. Everyone in our neighborhood can readily
attest to her impeccable personality as a young person. She never had
any fights or altercations with anyone. She was always respectful to
everyone. She was blameless then and she is blameless now.
Q. How was your mother-daughter relationship during her student
days in College?
A. She attended Addis Ababa University not very far from where we
live, and she used to come to see us every week. Sadly, two years later
her father passed away. I can say to you that he has been spared not to
witness the torment that she has been undergoing at this moment in her
life. Upon her graduation she came home and lived with me. She then
began practicing law and became a judge in 1989. Shortly thereafter,
she gave birth to a beautiful daughter, Haale. As we say in Ethiopia, my
daughter Birtukan availed for me—the opportunity “to see my own eyes
through my eye.” Our house was too old and collapsing and Birtukan
had it rebuilt. She then became the center and sole provider of our three
generations of life. Before she had a chance to relax and savor her
family, however, she got involved in peoples’ causes for which she has
been incarcerated.
Q. How young was Haale when Mrs. Birtukan was jailed?
A. When Birtukan was imprisoned three years ago my granddaughter
Haale was only six months young. Even though I am advanced in age, I
have been taking care of my grandchild most of the time. I used to take
infant Haale also to see her jailed mother.
Q. How did you manage to carry provisions and travel to Kaliti jail
[a distance of about 25 kilometers from Addis Ababa] to see Mrs.
Birtukan during her incarceration in 2005-2007?
A. I was relatively stronger physically at that time. Sometimes I got a
lift by some family and friends. Otherwise, I would take public
transportation. However, I have gotten older and physically weaker this
time around. Besides, I am burning inside with so much rage every day
at her brutal treatment.
Q. In what condition do you find her now?
A. Despite her solitary confinement her health seems to be holding up. I
must gratefully say that God is with her. Still, the fact remains that no
one, even at a young age, can be comfortable in jail. Because of her
steely spirit, however, she smiles and chats to relax us. Nevertheless, as
a mother, I know she is hurting inside. I can visualize how, after we
leave her, she goes to the solitary jail cell and begin fretting about her
vulnerable, helpless, horrible condition. Her young adult life is being
wrenched from her and her future rendered bleak. When I wake up
from my nightmares about her I go through my own pangs of angst and
pain. As for me, the inevitable death is near at hand. But, I thought that
“government”–which is run by people who have families also—is
supposed to be capable of mercy. I am at a loss as to what I could do
or where I could go to save her. Rulers forgive countless criminals all
the time–let alone Birtukan who is completely innocent. I appeal to her
jailers to release my Birtukan and I give my word to restrain her from
getting into trouble.
Q. You can communicate your message through this medium.
A. At first, I did not understand how it was that the jailers would
relegate her to solitary confinement and then say that she could not see
anyone else except her mother and daughter. Then we were told that the
ruling was modified to allow other family members to visit her, but
when we tried to do that the prison guards at Kaliti prison confounded
us by saying that the order had not reached them. Under such
frustrating circumstances, all I can say is that I will go on suffering
because I am predestined to suffer.
Q. Did the court of the jailers not allow two people to help you
carry provisions for Mrs. Birtukan?
A. What actually happened was as follows: As you can observe, I am a
frail old lady. For some time now since my daughter has been jailed, I
have had to carry provisions and on occasions my granddaughter Haale
by myself. But thanks be to God there were people who helped me
some times. I had to carry everything not only to the Kaliti prison but to
the place of her solitary confinement which is much farther from the
gate. At first, the word was that nobody else was allowed to visit her
until a “court” order could allow it. Some of the jail guards sometimes
helped me with the load inside the prison grounds. And I was getting
very exhausted and frustrated. So, I implored the jail guards to give me
some slack and allow a couple of people to help me in accord to my
appeal to the jailers court. They said that the order had not yet arrived
but asked me to give them two names and temporarily they will try to
let such people to help—provided they are cleared through background
checks. I had also requested that since the same two people may not
always be able to help to get two passes for other volunteers. But, the
request was denied. Why should I be in such a quandary as if I am not
a social being. After all, other prisoners are visited by their family and
friends without restrictions. I thought that “courts” have higher
authority. If that is so, why isn’t their ruling not honored in our case?
Everyone is thoroughly searched before entering the jail anyway and no
one can take anything out of
the jail. So, I do not understand why everything is in a knot for us.
Q. Is your granddaughter Haale difficult to handle when you take
her to see her jailed mother?
A. Perhaps God has graciously limited my woes on some fronts; my
granddaughter Haale does not bother me at all. She has been used to
being with me and in an uncanny way, her demeanor and precocious
behavior reminds me so much of Birtukan at her age. We get reports
from her preschool that Haale is extremely bright—and I say to myself,
‘like mother like daughter’. Frequently, the school paints star images on
Haale’s hand saying that she has been chosen the star of the month.
And when she sees her mother in jail they hug, chat and kiss and enjoy
each other as long as allowed and, as Haale leaves she says to her
mother, ”You are coming home at night, right?” Nowadays, whenever
something is being prepared at home, young Haale says “This is for
Burte, (my Birtukan) yes?”
Q. What are your expectations from here on?
A. There is not much I know about the situation and nothing positive I
can see on the horizon. But there is something I believe in strongly.
Human beings are flawed and everyone makes mistakes in life. Even if
Birtukan was in error, why can she not be forgiven for God’s sake and
for the sake of humanity and of their own children? I am sure those
who have children understand what being a mother is. Birtukan is an
educated, capable and innocent young citizen. Why is it that this young
lady who could make much contribution to her fellow Ethiopians, is
thrown into jail and placed in solitary confinement “for life” like a
murderer or other high profile criminal? And, lest I forget, she is also
my only solace and pension at this point in my dwindling life. Even God
would approve their act if jailers deem that she has had enough
punishment and let go of her. I pray that God softens their hearts.
________________________
[Interviewer comment]
Birtukan’s daughter, Haale is an adorable, precocious girl. Having
watched the recording with her
grandmother, the young Haale asked us to record her also. So, we
happily obliged and conducted the
palaver with her.
________________________
Q. What is your name, your age and where do you go to school?
A. My name is Haale Mideqsa; I am four years young; I go to One
Planet School.
Q. Who is Birtukan Mideqsa to you?
A. She is my mother and I love her. When I go to see her I hug her and
kiss her. She loves me too. I ask her if she is alright. She quickly
prepares to nourish me.
Q. Who do you go with to visit your mother?
A. I go with Emama (referring to her grandmother) as well as my
mother’s cousin Emusha and Gashe Dereje who drives us to Kaliti.
Q. So, you went inside where she is imprisoned to see her?
A. Yes, I had to see her by any means. Here her grandmother intervenes
to say that a couple of times Haale went back to her mother’s room
because she had to relieve herself, and at another time she had cried
because she had not said goodbye to her mother, and the guards smiled
and let her in again briefly.
Q. What sort of conversation do you have with your mother?
A. One day I said to my mother “Happy Birthday” [DOB: 27 April
1974]. But when I ask her how many days are left before she is
released, she does not give me an answer. She does not say she will be
released or not released. I long for her so much!
___________________________
*Unsolicited, unofficial, personal translation from the Ethiopic
original, NA.
___________________________
Part III Concluding Remarks
Referring to the 2005-2007 incarceration of the 131 Ethiopian political
leaders and activists, himself included, Dr. Berhanu Nega made an
astute remark when he said that in Ethiopia “all of us are prisoners, be it
within narrower (local) or wider (national) prison walls of the country.”
Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa is the only woman in Ethiopian history to have
been victimized and imprisoned in solitary confinement “for life.” In
point of fact, she may be the only woman anywhere in recent memory
to be victimized in this fiendish and unscrupulous manner based on
spurious, self-serving, illicit charges by a tyrant. It is not only Birtukan
who is imprisoned but also her daughter Haale and her mother, Weizero
(Mrs) Almaz–all three generations. Birtukan is a single mother who is
the only breadwinner in her family. What crime did she commit to be
thrown into solitary confinement to vegetate “for life” at the prime age
of 35? How does the punishment fit the “crime?” Even for Ethiopia–a
country that is hoary with age, this is not the 7th or the 12th Century; it
is the 21st Century. How is it possible that Mrs Birtukan’s human and
civil rights can be so grossly abused without incessant and effective
indignation and outrage being brought to bear on the sadists in Addis
Ababa who get away with such brutality in this day and age? This is
cruel and unusual punishment. It is a clear violation of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights.
By dint of historical coincidence news about two other female figures
on the international political scene has commanded much attention
recently. One is the case of the indefatigable Nobel Peace Prize winner
and veteran pro-democracy leading lady, Aung San Suu Kyi of
Myanmar (Burma). She had won the 1990 election but was forbidden to
assume power and jailed instead since then, including house arrest for
the past three years. The military junta under General Than Shwe has
now charged her with breach of her house arrest conditions and is
awaiting “court” proceedings. As in the case of Birtukan Mideksa of
Ethiopia, an election is scheduled hence in Myanmar also and the regime
wants her out of any political action. The other recent news is about an
Iranian/Japanese American lady, Roxana Saberi, who was thrown in jail
in Iran charged with spying. After 100 days of non-stop media coverage
of her case and international pressure, she has just been released and is
back home in the United States safe and sound. In both of these cases,
the White House and the State Department have made timely, explicit
and, one must say an effective benign intervention on behalf of the
causes of both detained ladies.
One wonders why such principled benign intervention has not been
forthcoming with regard to Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa of Ethiopia, Africa.
Ethiopians/Africans/Ethiopian Americans and all peoples of goodwill
everywhere who value justice, democracy and human rights have yet to
hear from not only the White House and the State Department but many
others as well on behalf of Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa of Ethiopia. She has
already been vegetating in solitary confinement for over five months or
150 days and 150 nights over semantics. She ought not be in jail for a
day, an hour or even a minute.
Mrs Birtukan did not kill or hurt anyone
She did not conspire to overthrow the regime
She did not steal or engage in corruption
She did not betray her country or her people
She did not desecrate the Ethiopian flag
She did not commit crimes against humanity
She did not sever or land lock the country
She did not serve or spy for un-Ethiopian interests
She did not insult or defame anyone
She did not use or sell drugs
A horrific crime is being committed in Ethiopia today. In this day and
age, how can innocent Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa of Ethiopia be sent to (a)
solitary confinement (b) in prison (c) for life because of some
semantics in interpretation of a flawed document signed under duress?
How long must Birtukan, her daughter and her mother continue
suffering before appropriate and effective benign intervention happens?
Mrs. Birtukan’s, young, promising, and productive public service life is
halted. Her ability to nurture her daughter and care for her aged mother
has been interrupted. Her daughter Haale has been deprived of her
mother’s love and parenting. At her advanced age, her mother, W/o
Almaz has been left to fend for herself and her granddaughter in the
horrible circumstances prevailing in Addis Ababa and in Ethiopia at large
today. Also, the country is deprived of a rare inspiring and empowering
young female leader. Thus, it is not only the three generations of the
Birtukan family that are imprisoned; but Ethiopia as a whole is also held
as a hostage by the fiendish Meles/TPLF regime. By any measure, this
is a crime against humanity. And, where is the outrage by humanity?
____________________________
Professor Negussay teaches at UCLA. His recent books are Ethiopia &
the United States, the Season of Courtship,
Volume 1 and In Search of the DNA of the Ethiopia/Eritrean Problem.
17 June, 2009 | By Professor Negussay Ayele
Part I Contextual Profile On Re-imprisoned Mrs. Birtukan
Mideksa of Ethiopia
Ethiopians who are in their 70’s plus today have survived through four
political tsunamis the country has undergone in the last six decades.
These include the bestial but short-lived Mussolini/Fascist invasion of
the country (1936-41); the resumption of semi-feudal imperial rule by
Emperor Haile Sellassie (1941-1974); the popular mass revolution
subsequently taken over by the military (Derg) (1974-1991). The fourth
regime is the current tandem occupation of the country and the severing
of Eritrea from Ethiopia by Isayass/ EPLF and the crony, the Tigrayan
TPLF under Meles (1991- present). Among other things, the most
tragic and defining characteristic in the transitions and tenures of the
regimes–with the qualified exception of periods of the Haile Sellassie
era—is the cyclical rampancy of violence, oppression, death and
destruction visited upon the ever enduring Ethiopian people. There were
also famines, environmental degradation as well as internal and interstate
conflicts that further exacerbated the suffering of the people.
What emerges as an explanatory paradigm for analysis of political
phenomena in Ethiopia in general revolves around what I call “the
culture of violence and the violence of culture” that has permeated and
defined Ethiopia’s political history, not just for the past seven decades
but for centuries? The current tribalist regime has already used its
monopoly of deadly force and absolute political hegemony to sever
Eritrea and wantonly land lock Ethiopia. It continues to use brute force
to massacre Ethiopians and obliterate Ethiopia per se. It is in the context
of its words and, more importantly, its deeds that one can at least
attempt to reckon with current events such as the regime’s capricious
incarceration (again) of Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa, Chairperson of the
Unity for Democracy and Justice Party of Ethiopia.
For virtually all of its history, political leadership or right to rule in
Ethiopia has not been a matter of peoples choice or but of divine
ordination. Hence, one of the several titles of Emperor Haile Sellassie
was “Elect of God.” Such a political culture does not engender or
encourage political participation by citizens be they males or even less
so females—unless elected by God or by the Gun. Indeed some
emperors reached the pinnacle of power by the gun and then coerced
the clergy to confirm them as “elect” of God. Still, there were some
female empresses as well by virtue of being a king’s daughter. Empress
Zewditu Menelik at the turn of the twentieth Century was one such
example.
The Modest Beginnings of Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa
Having come of age in a stifling political culture, the young, dynamic
and charismatic Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa emerged into the political
spotlight in the early period of the 21st Century. She was born in 1974
in Addis Ababa. On the material side of life, hers were low income
parents but she said she was raised with so much rich love and care.
She had a positive and friendly disposition towards all she encountered.
She was superior at school and eventually joined Addis Ababa
University. She recalls that she wanted to do public service and her
shortlist was law or medicine. She then heard about a lady judge who
had reached the level of Justice of the High Court of Ethiopia. That
inspired young Birtukan to aspire to serve her people in the realm of law
and justice. In 1989, shortly after her graduation, she was appointed
judge and served with competence and equanimity—insofar as the
system would allow–for the next six years, followed by law practice.
The Janus-faced devious regime of autocrat Meles Zenawi in Ethiopia
operates with absolute armed power at home and duplicitous
propaganda abroad. It denies what it really is and does in the country
while it projects what it is not to the rest of the world. Under such
circumstances a general “election” was slated for 2005 and a number of
patriotic, democratic and dedicated Ethiopians formed parties and
coalitions to peacefully contest in the “election”—even though they had
serious doubts about the regime’s trustworthiness. They were,
however, encouraged in this endeavor by European and American
groups and election observers who promised to be rigorous in
monitoring the voting and counting processes and holding the ruling
regime and all concerned accountable. It was at this momentous
occasion that Birtukan joined the democratic movement and she was
selected to be Deputy Chair of the Kinijit (Coalition) Democratic Party
of Ethiopia.
The Historic 2005 Elections
Next to the 1994 election in South Africa that transferred formal
political power from the tribalist Apartheid regime to Nelson Mandela
and his ANC, the May 2005 elections in Ethiopia was also historic on
the African continent. Millions of Ethiopians converged in the streets
and squares of Addis Ababa as they never had before in support of
Kinijit’s bid to win the elections. The ruling TPLF tribal front also called
“party” was drowned by millions of people supporting alternative
democratic parties (often referred to as the “Opposition”). On election
day hundreds of thousands thronged to voting stations throughout the
country as never before. The regime could see that the democratic will
of the people—when given a chance were not with the regime but with
Kinijit and a few other alternative parties. So, immediately the ruthless
regime set in motion its “security” thugs to rampage, kill, maim and
otherwise disrupt the democratic process to nullify the results. But, at
that moment, it could do very little to change the results in Addis Ababa,
partly because there was a heavy concentration of international
observers and monitors in the city and partly because ballot counting
was done and results announced quickly before the regime could mess
with it. As a result Kinijit won more than 80% of the seats to
“parliament” and earned the leadership of the capital city. In fact, Kinijit
had also elected Dr. Berhanu Nega, one of the rising stars of Kinijit to be
Mayor of Addis Ababa.
In most of the country, the TPLF proxies were also trounced before all
the hackneyed vote tampering actions were set in motion buttressed by
the liberal use of the gun. In a BBC interview later the TPLF dictator,
Meles Zenawi, had a slip of the tongue when he said “we
miscalculated…” He was trying to rationalize the rash of killings and
stealing or nullifying the phenomenal election victory by the peaceful
and democratic challengers to perpetuate his despotic rule. In point of
fact the “miscalculation” on the part of autocrat Prime Minister (pm)
Meles and his TPLF cronies was its gamble of thinking it could control
the outcome of the election just as they had done before without having
their feet set to the fire by so much international exposure. In the event,
European and American observers made from strong to mild criticisms
of the election process, but did not do anything consequential to restrain
the regime from its binge of killing and incarcerating of hundreds of
innocent Ethiopians and stealing the election. For what it is worth, Ms.
Anna Gomez of the European Union stands out as practically the sole
consistent and enduring voice of morality, integrity and courage on the
matter–to this day.
From Winners to Prisoners
As if all that was not enough shame for the sinister Meles/TPLF
occupation regime [for more on this, see my Occupation of
Ethiopia/Eritrea by Meles/Isayass on Mediaethiopia.com], it arrested 131
top Ethiopian elected democratic party leaders, elder statesmen,
activists, journalists, human rights advocates and academics and
dumped them in Kaliti jail like common criminals on 7 November 2005.
Predictably, among the jailed leaders was, of course, Judge Mrs.
Birtukan Mideksa. The repressive Meles regime was impervious to
incessant peaceful protests at home or mild expressions of concern
abroad by human rights organizations, individual politicians and the
press. These prisoners of conscience languished in prison for over a
year before some serious action commenced for their release. A small
group of elderly Ethiopians from various backgrounds and calling
themselves a coalition of ‘elders’ ( shemagelay) emerged on the
scene to mediate between despot Meles and the trapped mass political
prisoners. For the most part pm Meles dealt personally with the
coordinator of the elders. The prisoners were paraded from time to time
to hear bogus charges in the TPLF kangaroo court for publicity
purposes. They pleaded not guilty whenever the “court” made
perfunctory gestures to let them speak. There is an Ethiopian saying (
) “the son is the thief, his father is the judge, and one might add, his
mother is the witness.” In this case, pm Meles is the kleptomaniac who
stole the election, thereby spawning intensive but peaceful protests
resulting in the murder and the maiming of hundreds of Ethiopian
citizens and the incarceration of the 131 prisoners of conscience. Meles
is also the jailer who personally and absolutely controls his kangaroo
courts. Likewise, his own gun crafted “constitution” is his witness.
That is the brazen definition of “justice” and “rule of law” of autocrat
Meles/TPLF. Thus, he is thief/jailer, prosecutor/judge and the witness
all rolled into one.
The leaders and followers of the Ethiopian democratic alternative parties
knew all along that their only “crime” was their astounding and
embarrassing peaceful victory over the pompous guntotting regime at
the ballot box. Finally, after enduring for so long the physical and
psychological harm and injustice visited upon them as well as their
families, colleagues, and colleagues, the end of the ordeal was nigh. The
elders announced a deal between pm Meles and his innocent victims, in
the context of a maze of contradictory series of actions by the regime
and they left the prison on 21 July 2007. While most of the leaders of
the democratic alternative parties were in jail, the capricious regime was
busy dismantling their organizations, changing the rules of the game,
withdrawing “legal” status, evicting the political parties from their
headquarters and using divide et impera tactics to sow the seeds of
discord among the leaders and alienate members from the leaderships as
well.
Shemaglays, ‘Legal’ Manipulation, and Release of Prisoners
The elders were communicating and liaising for about a year and a half
between the prisoners and potentate Meles to attain the political
prisoners’ release. The elders—more specifically the coordinator–dealt
exclusively with pm Meles. Technically, according to the Meles/TPLF
‘constitution’ matters, commuting or sustaining of sentences lies in the
realm of the President or head of state and not with the prime minister.
Neither the “courts” nor any other persons or institutions were involved
with the elders from beginning to end. It has been pointed out recently
(AwdeEthiopia blog # 28) that Meles, whose manipulative skill for evil is
legendary, is said to have his “court” issue a retroactive life sentence on
the prisoners of conscience after (emphasis added) he pocketed their
obligatory signatures acknowledging his “clemency.” The semantics of
this tortured process was to come in handy for him to send judge
Birtukan to solitary confinement back in Kaliti “for life” on 29 December
2008.
After their release the Ethiopian citizens tried to attain a semblance of
normalcy and pick up the pieces of their personal, social and political
lives. It was not easy. All kinds of kangaroo
court/parliament/bureaucracy “laws” and trip wires were set to
frustrate, entrap and impede their paths to resuming their obligations to
the Ethiopian people effectively. Parties like Kinijit were proscribed
outright. Some followers had defected or abandoned the parties by
force of circumstances spawned by the regime’s intimidations. The
leaderships soon fractured and internecine political struggles ensued. In
time, the decent, charming, serious Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa emerged as
the overwhelming favorite to head a new democratic alternative party
named Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ). The new parties were
making the rounds in the country under difficult and terrorizing
circumstances, and they also visited Europe and North America to
touch base with Diaspora Ethiopian communities. In the course of one
such visit to Sweden, UDJ chairperson Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa, was
asked about the condition/s of the prisoners’ release. Sound bites
quickly spread in earthly and cyber space pertaining to Mrs. Birtukan’s
rendition of the circumstances of her release. The capricious pm Meles
charged that she had been released by his “pardon” and if she questions
or denies that, she would be arrested and jailed in solitary confinement
“for life” unless she recants. There was no provision, written or
implied, about breach of what was signed and consequences thereof.
[For more on this, see Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam, “If you can’t
beat up the big boys in Mogadishu, beat on the woman and the old man
in Addis Ababa” in freebirtukan.org].
The upshot is that the release was not a simple matter of asking
forgiveness for alleged crimes or breach of “law.” Except for the bogus
charges of the regime, the prisoners were completely innocent in the
first place. It was more a case of complying with age old Ethiopian
cultural values– especially at the behest of Shemaglays–of letting go of
mutual recriminations between the powers that be and the prisoners of
conscience without compromising the rights and fundamental interests
of the people. The draconian Meles regime dubbed its version of what
Mrs. Birtukan said or meant to say as tantamount to breaching the terms
of her release. In short order Meles sends his “security” goons to the
home of one of the Shemagelays where she and Professor Mesfin
Woldemariam, the veteran teacher, human rights advocate and fellow
prisoner in Kaliti were at the time. The “police” could have given her a
simple summons to appear in “court”. After all, by the regime’s own
“standards”, Mrs. Birtukan is an attorney at law in good standing and a
former judge. Instead they subjected her to a rough “illegal” arrest as if
she had just committed or was about to commit a heinous crime. When
the senior citizen and venerable Professor Mesfin tried to gently say that
all the roughshod treatment was unnecessary, he was physically
assaulted and tongue lashed. Mrs. Birtukan was hauled to prison on 29
December 2008 where she remains in solitary confinement—“for life.”
Mrs. Birtukan later issued what she called “my testimony” [The quotes
from her in this section are from the English version that is posted in
www.freebirtukan.org] in which she made a competent crisp legal
analysis of the “clemency” fracas. She began by saying “Although there
is nothing that I will say different from what I know and believe in, I
have decided to write this to clarify the issue since what happened has
raised questions among the public. And, she added somewhat
ominously: “Perhaps this can be my last word.” She then goes on to
elaborate on the fact that the elders explained that “if we sign the
document, which was crafted on the basis of our country’s tradition of
forgiveness, the case would be stopped and the court file would be
closed. She notes that the elders cited pm Meles’s exact words: “If this
document is signed, using my executive power I will make sure that the
charges be dropped.” The Meles-manipulated “mediation” process that
produced the “document” the prisoners signed on 18 June 2006, was a
complicated Byzantine political, legal and personal (Meles) maze. Those
Kaliti fellow prison graduates who came out and spoke on the subject
have corroborated the veracity of what she said. Mrs Birtukan
concludes her brief with the following on the arbitrary and boorish
manner of her arrest by the police and the real motive, for her
reimprisonment:
“The only person that can remove the pardon is the President, and not
the Executive (i.e. Meles) that you consider the government. Twenty
days after the request for removal of pardon has been received by the
person, if the pardon board agrees with the decision, the request will be
presented to the President, and it is only after that the President might
revoke the pardon. I wanted to explain to the Commissioner (of Police)
these proper procedures that are necessary to remove a pardon. But I
did not (get to) do that. After confirming that he has finished his
speech, I left the room without saying a word. In my opinion, the reason
why all these illegal intimidations and warnings have been aimed at me,
have nothing to do with playing with words or inaccurate statements or
rules broken. The message is clear and this message is not only for me
but also for all who are active in the peaceful struggle. A peaceful and
law-abiding political struggle can be conducted only within the limits
the ruling party and individuals set and not according to what the
constitution allows. And for me it is extremely difficult to accept this.”
What Mrs. Birtukan points to at the end of her statement is the open
secret that the Meles regime has another general “election” coming up in
2010. The popular, competent and charismatic Mrs Birtukan and her
UDJ party constitute once again a palpable threat to oust pm Meles in a
free and fair election. Therefore, it is deemed necessary to remove her
from the political scene to insure the perpetuation of Meles/TPLF
repressive rule in Ethiopia. AwdeEthiopia summarizes what Mrs.
Birtukan’s incarceration means in the wider scheme of things.
Imprisoning Birtukan is not just a matter of taking one individual or
one party out of circulation. Holding Birtukan captive is snuffing out
the dreams and hopes of our sisters and daughters. Jailing Birtukan is
arresting the patriotism and aspirations for leadership of young
Ethiopians. Incarcerating Birtukan is derailing the path to civil and
peaceful political succession in place of the hackneyed cyclical violence
and rule by the gun. Caging Birtukan is dousing our chance of
leadership by a capable young lady.
Part II A poignant interview with Birtukan’s mother and her 4-
year old daughter follows
An interview with Mrs. Birtukan’s mother and daughter
(translated from the Ethiopic)*
Political Prisoner Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa of Ethiopia
Chairperson of Unity for Democracy & Justice Party
Interview by Addis Admas Ethiopic newspaper with Mrs. Almaz Gebre
Egziabher, the mother of Mrs. Birtukan Mideqsa, Ethiopian Democratic
Party leader, whose current address is (again) Kaliti prison near Addis
Ababa, and her daughter Haale (alpha) Mideksa. The interview was
subsequently posted on Ethiopiazare.com.
Question (Q) Is Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa your only child?
Answer (A) I have a son from my first husband. After settling in Addis
Ababa later on, I was married to Ethiopian Imperial Bodyguard veteran,
Corporal Mideksa Demie, and gave birth to my only daughter Mimi—
Birtukan’s [affectionate name] in 1974.
Even though our family’s standard of living was low, we raised her
with special care and doting as our only daughter. Upon reaching school
age, she attended Miazia 23 School in Addis Ababa.
What amazed us about Birtukan was that she would come home from
school and just drop her books and notes and not even spend time
studying. And we also learned that she had the habit of always raising
her hand in class a drilling her teachers with questions. Still, she earned
very good grades at every level and completed her eighth grade with a
perfect 100 point scholastic score. I was, of course, elated at her
brilliant achievement. She entered the well known Empress Menen high
school and finished with very good grades. She was admitted at Addis
Ababa University where she majored in law. Her streak of academic
excellence continued unabated, and we proudly celebrated her
University graduation by hosting a big open door public reception.
Q. How did she get along in the neighborhood as a child?
A. What I say about Mimi (affectionate name for Birtukan) is not just
because she is my daughter. Everyone in our neighborhood can readily
attest to her impeccable personality as a young person. She never had
any fights or altercations with anyone. She was always respectful to
everyone. She was blameless then and she is blameless now.
Q. How was your mother-daughter relationship during her student
days in College?
A. She attended Addis Ababa University not very far from where we
live, and she used to come to see us every week. Sadly, two years later
her father passed away. I can say to you that he has been spared not to
witness the torment that she has been undergoing at this moment in her
life. Upon her graduation she came home and lived with me. She then
began practicing law and became a judge in 1989. Shortly thereafter,
she gave birth to a beautiful daughter, Haale. As we say in Ethiopia, my
daughter Birtukan availed for me—the opportunity “to see my own eyes
through my eye.” Our house was too old and collapsing and Birtukan
had it rebuilt. She then became the center and sole provider of our three
generations of life. Before she had a chance to relax and savor her
family, however, she got involved in peoples’ causes for which she has
been incarcerated.
Q. How young was Haale when Mrs. Birtukan was jailed?
A. When Birtukan was imprisoned three years ago my granddaughter
Haale was only six months young. Even though I am advanced in age, I
have been taking care of my grandchild most of the time. I used to take
infant Haale also to see her jailed mother.
Q. How did you manage to carry provisions and travel to Kaliti jail
[a distance of about 25 kilometers from Addis Ababa] to see Mrs.
Birtukan during her incarceration in 2005-2007?
A. I was relatively stronger physically at that time. Sometimes I got a
lift by some family and friends. Otherwise, I would take public
transportation. However, I have gotten older and physically weaker this
time around. Besides, I am burning inside with so much rage every day
at her brutal treatment.
Q. In what condition do you find her now?
A. Despite her solitary confinement her health seems to be holding up. I
must gratefully say that God is with her. Still, the fact remains that no
one, even at a young age, can be comfortable in jail. Because of her
steely spirit, however, she smiles and chats to relax us. Nevertheless, as
a mother, I know she is hurting inside. I can visualize how, after we
leave her, she goes to the solitary jail cell and begin fretting about her
vulnerable, helpless, horrible condition. Her young adult life is being
wrenched from her and her future rendered bleak. When I wake up
from my nightmares about her I go through my own pangs of angst and
pain. As for me, the inevitable death is near at hand. But, I thought that
“government”–which is run by people who have families also—is
supposed to be capable of mercy. I am at a loss as to what I could do
or where I could go to save her. Rulers forgive countless criminals all
the time–let alone Birtukan who is completely innocent. I appeal to her
jailers to release my Birtukan and I give my word to restrain her from
getting into trouble.
Q. You can communicate your message through this medium.
A. At first, I did not understand how it was that the jailers would
relegate her to solitary confinement and then say that she could not see
anyone else except her mother and daughter. Then we were told that the
ruling was modified to allow other family members to visit her, but
when we tried to do that the prison guards at Kaliti prison confounded
us by saying that the order had not reached them. Under such
frustrating circumstances, all I can say is that I will go on suffering
because I am predestined to suffer.
Q. Did the court of the jailers not allow two people to help you
carry provisions for Mrs. Birtukan?
A. What actually happened was as follows: As you can observe, I am a
frail old lady. For some time now since my daughter has been jailed, I
have had to carry provisions and on occasions my granddaughter Haale
by myself. But thanks be to God there were people who helped me
some times. I had to carry everything not only to the Kaliti prison but to
the place of her solitary confinement which is much farther from the
gate. At first, the word was that nobody else was allowed to visit her
until a “court” order could allow it. Some of the jail guards sometimes
helped me with the load inside the prison grounds. And I was getting
very exhausted and frustrated. So, I implored the jail guards to give me
some slack and allow a couple of people to help me in accord to my
appeal to the jailers court. They said that the order had not yet arrived
but asked me to give them two names and temporarily they will try to
let such people to help—provided they are cleared through background
checks. I had also requested that since the same two people may not
always be able to help to get two passes for other volunteers. But, the
request was denied. Why should I be in such a quandary as if I am not
a social being. After all, other prisoners are visited by their family and
friends without restrictions. I thought that “courts” have higher
authority. If that is so, why isn’t their ruling not honored in our case?
Everyone is thoroughly searched before entering the jail anyway and no
one can take anything out of
the jail. So, I do not understand why everything is in a knot for us.
Q. Is your granddaughter Haale difficult to handle when you take
her to see her jailed mother?
A. Perhaps God has graciously limited my woes on some fronts; my
granddaughter Haale does not bother me at all. She has been used to
being with me and in an uncanny way, her demeanor and precocious
behavior reminds me so much of Birtukan at her age. We get reports
from her preschool that Haale is extremely bright—and I say to myself,
‘like mother like daughter’. Frequently, the school paints star images on
Haale’s hand saying that she has been chosen the star of the month.
And when she sees her mother in jail they hug, chat and kiss and enjoy
each other as long as allowed and, as Haale leaves she says to her
mother, ”You are coming home at night, right?” Nowadays, whenever
something is being prepared at home, young Haale says “This is for
Burte, (my Birtukan) yes?”
Q. What are your expectations from here on?
A. There is not much I know about the situation and nothing positive I
can see on the horizon. But there is something I believe in strongly.
Human beings are flawed and everyone makes mistakes in life. Even if
Birtukan was in error, why can she not be forgiven for God’s sake and
for the sake of humanity and of their own children? I am sure those
who have children understand what being a mother is. Birtukan is an
educated, capable and innocent young citizen. Why is it that this young
lady who could make much contribution to her fellow Ethiopians, is
thrown into jail and placed in solitary confinement “for life” like a
murderer or other high profile criminal? And, lest I forget, she is also
my only solace and pension at this point in my dwindling life. Even God
would approve their act if jailers deem that she has had enough
punishment and let go of her. I pray that God softens their hearts.
________________________
[Interviewer comment]
Birtukan’s daughter, Haale is an adorable, precocious girl. Having
watched the recording with her
grandmother, the young Haale asked us to record her also. So, we
happily obliged and conducted the
palaver with her.
________________________
Q. What is your name, your age and where do you go to school?
A. My name is Haale Mideqsa; I am four years young; I go to One
Planet School.
Q. Who is Birtukan Mideqsa to you?
A. She is my mother and I love her. When I go to see her I hug her and
kiss her. She loves me too. I ask her if she is alright. She quickly
prepares to nourish me.
Q. Who do you go with to visit your mother?
A. I go with Emama (referring to her grandmother) as well as my
mother’s cousin Emusha and Gashe Dereje who drives us to Kaliti.
Q. So, you went inside where she is imprisoned to see her?
A. Yes, I had to see her by any means. Here her grandmother intervenes
to say that a couple of times Haale went back to her mother’s room
because she had to relieve herself, and at another time she had cried
because she had not said goodbye to her mother, and the guards smiled
and let her in again briefly.
Q. What sort of conversation do you have with your mother?
A. One day I said to my mother “Happy Birthday” [DOB: 27 April
1974]. But when I ask her how many days are left before she is
released, she does not give me an answer. She does not say she will be
released or not released. I long for her so much!
___________________________
*Unsolicited, unofficial, personal translation from the Ethiopic
original, NA.
___________________________
Part III Concluding Remarks
Referring to the 2005-2007 incarceration of the 131 Ethiopian political
leaders and activists, himself included, Dr. Berhanu Nega made an
astute remark when he said that in Ethiopia “all of us are prisoners, be it
within narrower (local) or wider (national) prison walls of the country.”
Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa is the only woman in Ethiopian history to have
been victimized and imprisoned in solitary confinement “for life.” In
point of fact, she may be the only woman anywhere in recent memory
to be victimized in this fiendish and unscrupulous manner based on
spurious, self-serving, illicit charges by a tyrant. It is not only Birtukan
who is imprisoned but also her daughter Haale and her mother, Weizero
(Mrs) Almaz–all three generations. Birtukan is a single mother who is
the only breadwinner in her family. What crime did she commit to be
thrown into solitary confinement to vegetate “for life” at the prime age
of 35? How does the punishment fit the “crime?” Even for Ethiopia–a
country that is hoary with age, this is not the 7th or the 12th Century; it
is the 21st Century. How is it possible that Mrs Birtukan’s human and
civil rights can be so grossly abused without incessant and effective
indignation and outrage being brought to bear on the sadists in Addis
Ababa who get away with such brutality in this day and age? This is
cruel and unusual punishment. It is a clear violation of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights.
By dint of historical coincidence news about two other female figures
on the international political scene has commanded much attention
recently. One is the case of the indefatigable Nobel Peace Prize winner
and veteran pro-democracy leading lady, Aung San Suu Kyi of
Myanmar (Burma). She had won the 1990 election but was forbidden to
assume power and jailed instead since then, including house arrest for
the past three years. The military junta under General Than Shwe has
now charged her with breach of her house arrest conditions and is
awaiting “court” proceedings. As in the case of Birtukan Mideksa of
Ethiopia, an election is scheduled hence in Myanmar also and the regime
wants her out of any political action. The other recent news is about an
Iranian/Japanese American lady, Roxana Saberi, who was thrown in jail
in Iran charged with spying. After 100 days of non-stop media coverage
of her case and international pressure, she has just been released and is
back home in the United States safe and sound. In both of these cases,
the White House and the State Department have made timely, explicit
and, one must say an effective benign intervention on behalf of the
causes of both detained ladies.
One wonders why such principled benign intervention has not been
forthcoming with regard to Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa of Ethiopia, Africa.
Ethiopians/Africans/Ethiopian Americans and all peoples of goodwill
everywhere who value justice, democracy and human rights have yet to
hear from not only the White House and the State Department but many
others as well on behalf of Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa of Ethiopia. She has
already been vegetating in solitary confinement for over five months or
150 days and 150 nights over semantics. She ought not be in jail for a
day, an hour or even a minute.
Mrs Birtukan did not kill or hurt anyone
She did not conspire to overthrow the regime
She did not steal or engage in corruption
She did not betray her country or her people
She did not desecrate the Ethiopian flag
She did not commit crimes against humanity
She did not sever or land lock the country
She did not serve or spy for un-Ethiopian interests
She did not insult or defame anyone
She did not use or sell drugs
A horrific crime is being committed in Ethiopia today. In this day and
age, how can innocent Mrs. Birtukan Mideksa of Ethiopia be sent to (a)
solitary confinement (b) in prison (c) for life because of some
semantics in interpretation of a flawed document signed under duress?
How long must Birtukan, her daughter and her mother continue
suffering before appropriate and effective benign intervention happens?
Mrs. Birtukan’s, young, promising, and productive public service life is
halted. Her ability to nurture her daughter and care for her aged mother
has been interrupted. Her daughter Haale has been deprived of her
mother’s love and parenting. At her advanced age, her mother, W/o
Almaz has been left to fend for herself and her granddaughter in the
horrible circumstances prevailing in Addis Ababa and in Ethiopia at large
today. Also, the country is deprived of a rare inspiring and empowering
young female leader. Thus, it is not only the three generations of the
Birtukan family that are imprisoned; but Ethiopia as a whole is also held
as a hostage by the fiendish Meles/TPLF regime. By any measure, this
is a crime against humanity. And, where is the outrage by humanity?
____________________________
Professor Negussay teaches at UCLA. His recent books are Ethiopia &
the United States, the Season of Courtship,
Volume 1 and In Search of the DNA of the Ethiopia/Eritrean Problem.
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| A row over human rights Feb.5 ( Economist ) - INDEPENDENT voices in Ethiopia are finding it ever harder to be heard. Suffocated by an irascible government, the country's newspapers are now the least... More |
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