Intimidation or imprisonment by 'democratic instruments'

Intimidation or imprisonment by 'democratic
instruments'

08 December, 2011 | By Mesfin Negash/CPJ Guest Blogger
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Three years ago, I met Minister Bereket Simon at his office at the
center of Addis Ababa. I was with my colleague Abiye
Teklemariam -- who was recently charged with terrorism, treason
and espionage along with five other journalists, including myself.

Our purpose in meeting

Bereket was to make our

position clear regarding

the government's wasteful

animosity toward us, and

express our concerns

surrounding press

freedom in

Ethiopia

The period was a tense

and confrontational one

for staff members of our

newspaper, Addis Neger. Many observers had begun to predict
the imminent closure of Addis Neger and our inevitable arrest. As
became evident later, the government was suspicious of us and
had already decided our fate. Of what were they suspicious? That
depends on whether you want the public version of their
suspicion, or the other version, relating to politics and power. The
public version is a cover up for the latter version.

The biggest worry for any autocrat stems from individuals and
institutions that appear to be independent and attractive to one or
more sections of society. The Ethiopian government's real
suspicion -- more appropriate to call it fear -- was that Addis
Neger or people gathering around its ideals could be turned into a
political force. This may have taken different forms, the
government assumed -- including forming a new political party as
a solid group; joining one of the oppositions; endorsing or actively
supporting opposition parties; or challenging the legitimacy of the
regime by forming critical opinions.

No intelligent leader can declare this panic in public. The creative
capacity of any autocrat reveals itself in his ability to formulate a
public suspicion that can conceal the primary concern, which is to
stay in power.

Bereket is the right-hand man of Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles
Zenawi, and has handled the government's media affairs for 20
years. In our meeting with him, we highlighted the public's fear of a
sudden and blanket closure of independent newspapers, as had
happened in 2005. Bereket was articulate in addressing our
concern: "Have no worry about that; we won't repeat that kind of
measure. Instead, the government is determined to handle both the
media and journalists using democratic instruments."

By "democratic instruments," Bereket meant laws and government
organs - each being an appendix of the ruling party. Instead of
closing a newspaper by ordering the printing house not to print,
the law made the printer responsible for the content of what he is
printing. Instead of telling reporters to stop writing about a
particular political group or view, such reporting is criminalized by
the outlawing of the party (as well as any discussion regarding its
view). The government no more issues an order to arrest activists
or close an independent NGO working to empower citizens or
expose human rights abuses. It simply makes life impossible for
such groups by requiring them by law to cover 90% of their
budget from local sources.

Thus, the public suspicion is aimed at sensitizing the public, or at
least ruling party members, about the legal action the government
is going to take using "democratic instruments." It is often based
on fabricated or half-baked conspiracy plots. Some of the
allegations against independent newspapers and journalists in
Ethiopia paint them as dangerous elements posing a threat to the
country: the agents of foreign forces or enemy states; operatives of
the CIA; members or supporters of opposition or extremist
groups; advocates of anti-ethnic or religious groups; advocates of
anti-state ideas, and more.

Such allegations are used the world over to silence and intimidate
independent voices. Such instruments are used to jail journalists,
not just by the Ethiopian government but also by the worst
offenders, the governments of Iran and China.

When my colleague Abiye and I met with Bereket, we were bold
enough to explain our fundamental positions as an independent
media institution and responsible journalists. He was also honest
enough to admit the government's fear, saying, "You have a
political agenda." What does this mean, where anything from an
editorial to a cartoon can be considered political and entail an
agenda?

Today, my colleague, journalist and blogger Eskinder Nega, has
been imprisoned since September 14 in Maekelawi Federal
Detention Center. Note that the government is holding him using a
"democratic instrument" called the "Anti-Terrorism Law." The
same instrument put journalists Woubshet Taye and Re'eyot
Alemu behind bars. The two Swedish journalists, Johan Persson
and Martin Schibbye, are also in prison defending their
professional activities, which are criminalized in Ethiopia.

Mesfin Negash was the managing editor of leading weekly
Addis Neger until 2009, when the staff ceased publication and
fled Ethiopia under threat of arrest after the paper was
accused of anti-state coverage. He now edits Addis Neger
Online from exile. In November 2011, Mesfin and other
Ethiopian journalists were charged with supporting a
terrorist group for covering an opposition movement. Mesfin
was charged in absentia.

Courtesy