“From nation-state history to global peoples’ history:
the imperative for a new African history”

(Paper presented at the South-South Conversation Series. University of Toronto:
December 12, 2008)
By Fikru Gebrekidan, Ph.D. | December 24, 2008
________________________________________________________

African sociopolitical history covers wide-ranging topics, from ethnicity at the micro
level to imperial history at the macro. While prolific in topics, methodologically African
historians remain fixated with the top-down or, more recently, bottom-up vertical
trajectory, where the nation state is the primary unit of analysis. This essay argues
that, for African history to have social relevance and purpose, historians should go
beyond the nation state and engage in the exploration of horizontal themes and
ideas.

The field of African history emerged in the 1960s, in part in response to Western
historians’ dismissal of Africa as a continent void of history. No one better epitomized
this condescension than British historian Hugh Trevor-Roper. In 1962, in an Oxford
University lecture, Trevor-Roper stated: “Perhaps in future, there will be some African
history to teach. But at present there is none. There is only the history of Europeans
in Africa. The rest is darkness … and darkness is not a subject of history.”

Naturally, the ambition of the first generation of African professional historians, or
Africanists, was to take Trevor-Roper and the likes of him to task. By skillfully
combining oral traditions with archaeological findings and available written sources,
such historians were determined to prove that Africa had its share of past empires
and flourishing kingdoms. The more critical, among them the late Walter Rodney,
were quick to insist that, had it not been for the slave trade and colonialism, Africa
too would have developed and become industrialized. But these pioneering scholars
also had a second mission. If nationalist politicians were the harbingers of change,
historians were its defenders and legitimizers: they had to formulate the intellectual
brick and mortar, or national histories, with which the new nation states were held
together.

Now, half a century later, these nation-state historians have completed their
mandate. For good or ill, the African nation state is there to stay. The job of the
succeeding generation of Africanists is, therefore, to transcend such narrow national
histories and help shape a timely discourse that is horizontal and far-reaching. This
is not to say that Africanists have shied away from transnational history. But, rather,
that such works tended to follow the vertical trajectory of North versus South, or
metropole versus colony, in which the intra-African agency was little appreciated.

The shift toward a horizontal paradigm assumes at least four inter-related
approaches: regional, continental, transoceanic, and global. Compared to nation
state, regional history deals with a much broader geographic zone, normally a
subcontinent, in which the historian discerns a common thread and shared
characteristics. While this sounds rather obvious and basic, in the African context
regional narratives are few and far between. Countries in the Horn of Africa, for
example, constitute both a cultural and a historical block. Yet, not a single text exists
that purports to be a regional history of the Horn. What the Horn of Africa offers is,
instead, a classic example of the symbiotic relationship between balkanized area
studies on the one hand and fractious and dysfunctional state politics on the other.
The end result has been a stagnant intellectual culture that is ill-prepared to tackle,
with dispassion and urgency, the many interstate conflicts that continue to plague the
region.

The above indictment might implicate political scientists more than others, but it does
not vindicate historians either. Historians continue to define historical boundaries in
terms of political borders. True, political borders are real and insular, but historical
boundaries are fluid and permeable. History follows peoples’ movements. And
national frontiers, even when clearly demarcated, have never deterred the flow of
particular types of people: long-distance traders, smugglers, pastoralists, bandits,
refugees, and insurgents. Much of Africa’s informal economy flourishes on cross-
border trade; and many of its political unrests, especially civil wars, foment in
borderlands where armed uprisings are easier to organize. If approached creatively,
therefore, border studies could have served as the interlocking points of two or more
national histories, which in turn would have provided the building blocks for a
regional history.

At the continental level, African history has become a burgeoning market for
publishers. Continental histories make good university texts as well as ideal
reference sources for basic research, hence their popularity. That said, however,
most existing African history texts tend to provide little more than a synthesis of
fragmented local histories. They remain Eurocentric in approach, reinforcing the
aforementioned North-South dichotomy.

For instance, the old Congo kingdom and the Solomonic empire of Ethiopia had more
in common than differences. They were centralized, practiced divine kingship,
cultivated diplomatic ties with Portugal, and embraced Catholicism, albeit briefly in the
Ethiopian case. For a while, the Portuguese and the Vatican had even entertained
the idea of a Congo-Ethiopia missionary corridor. In 1617, in fact, Alvaro II of Congo
wrote a letter to his Ethiopian counterpart defending the importance of such a
missionary link. As it would turn out, the transcontinental vision never took off. If
anything, Ethiopia and Congo would later suffer similar fates of civil war and decline
as Portuguese role turned from that of an ally to that of a predator because of the
slave trade.

Clearly, Ethiopia and Congo together provide an ideal case study for a transnational
research on the medieval African past. Alvaro’s letter alone, no doubt the earliest
example of a pan-African correspondence, would have evoked serious interest
among Africanists under ideal circumstances. Yet, no historian has ever given this
unique document a notice, let alone studied its content. Evident in this Ethiopia-
Congo example is, therefore, the need to go beyond traditional narratives. The
starting point is the use of comparative study, where analysis of two societies in
juxtaposition reveals structural similarities and differences. To this should be added
the exploration of the role of third parties, in this case the Portuguese, as catalysts of
ideas not just from Europe to Africa but, rather, among the African kingdoms
themselves.

The third approach toward a horizontalized African history should synthesize the
transatlantic, Indian ocean, and Mediterranean slave trades into one coherent whole,
or into a single maritime history. This is so enormous an undertaking for sure. But so
is its transformatory effect on African studies, for it allows a better appreciation of the
diversity, complexity, and richness of the African experience at the global level.

If critics dismiss such approach as naive, they need to be reminded of the traditional
Euro-American-Mediterranean narrative, condensed and taught as the history of
Western civilization. Neither should they forget the upcoming field of world history,
which is even more ambitious in breadth and scope. In fact, if the planet’s past can
be truncated into a digestible world history, there is no reason why the same cannot
be done for African dispersals across oceans under the rubric of African maritime
history. After all, the delineation of the sea into various zones is a relatively recent
cartographic construction. And even as one sees distinct differences between the
African presence in both hemispheres, there are enough identifiable patterns to
warrant comparison.

Two examples well demonstrate this latter point. First is the East African or Zanj slave
revolt in Southern Iraq in the ninth century, 869-881 Common Era, to be precise.
True, unlike the Haitian revolution a millennium later, the Zanj uprising was finally
suppressed, albeit after a decade-long brutal warfare. However, while different in
outcome, both Zanj and Haitian slave revolts shared a fundamental similarity. The
war against Napoleonic France helped forge a Haitian national identity, jettisoning
aside ethnic differences and color consciousness between mullatoes and black
slaves. The Zanj revolt in Southern Iraq also brought together various marginalized
segments of society: Bedouin Arabs, peasants, craftsmen, and of course enslaved
Africans of various ethnicities.

Second is the role played by black Africans as soldiers and commanders in the early
history of Islam. This makes a compelling analogy, in process and outcome, with the
African-American involvement in the Revolutionary War. In both cases, ideologies
with liberationist ethos meant a great deal to enslaved Africans, which explains why
many of them eagerly took up arms on the side of former slavemasters. But in either
instance reality never lived up to expectations. Once securely entrenched, Islam lost
its egalitarian drive and slavery and the slave trade revived to historic proportions.
Likewise, after defeating Britain, framers of the American Constitution found the topic
of slavery too sensitive to even address, let alone dismantle the institution.

Finally, if African history is to have a coherent and redemptive message, as all
histories from below should, it has to become a global peoples’ history. By peoples’
history one means history of the marginalized, or the subaltern. Africa is home to the
largest number of subalterns. In fact, given the continent’s peripheral status globally,
African history is subaltern studies par excellence. African historians should therefore
address the condition of marginality in its universal context: first nations in Australia
and the Americas, ethnic and religious minorities across Asia, and the poor and the
underclass in Europe and North America.

In the past, the North-South dichotomy was geo-racial: Africa, Asia, and Latin
America on the one hand, and Europe and North America on the other, Japan always
the exception. With the rapid industrialization of many Third World countries—China,
India, Brazil, and South Korea—geography and race no longer define the rift
between the North and the South. From a historian’s point of view, this militates the
need to redefine or reconceptualize the meaning of the South.

Central to the definition of South should be the concept of relative marginality, or the
question of one’s socio-economic place not just within the larger global order but also
within one’s own immediate circle. Most Africans are marginalized both by their
governments and by the global order, so the placing of Africa at the epicenter of the
South is only logical. But there are also millions of people who, while located
physically in Europe and North America, have much in common with the masses of
Africa given their relative socio-economic marginalization. These are the new South,
whose histories must be woven into a new web of South-South historiography, and in
which African historians can play a leading role.

In conclusion, African nation-state historiography emerged in the 1960s in part to
affirm Africa’s historicity, and in part to legitimize independence and nationhood.
Forty years later, the nation state still remains the primary unit of analysis in African
history. Unfortunately, this has obfuscated the need for a more integrated African
history. World politics has become ever more interdependent. Universities, for
instance, have been paying more and more attention to courses with global scope,
like the world history curriculum. What this implies is a rapid shift in the methodology
of teaching and writing history. The message to African history is clear. It is time that
African historians transcended the confines of state, region, and ocean, and that
African history shared the center stage in global peoples’ history.

_____________________________________

The writer is Professor of history at St. Thomas University, Canada.
fikrug@stu.edu
.

Back To Home
Perspective