Japanese public opinion and
the Italo-Ethiopian War
Editor's Note: The following is part of a much larger article
by Richard Bradshaw and Jim Ransdell entitled "Japan,
Britain and the Yellow Peril in Africa in the 1930s", as it
appears on The Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus
--------------------
31 October, 2011 (Richard Bradshaw and Jim Ransdell) - "In
contrast to the cautious, realpolitik stance of Japan’s leaders
toward the conflict, important segments of the Japanese public felt
that Italy's aggression should be unequivocally condemned, if not
forcibly prevented, by Japan. Support for the Ethiopian cause came
primarily from right-wing patriotic organizations and allied factions
within the military and the government bureaucracy, but also from a
large number of newspaper reporters and the public at large.
This is illustrated by the coverage of the conflict by The Osaka
Mainichi and its English version, as well as the Tokyo Nichi Nichi.
73 Even before the Italian invasion, the Osaka Mainichi hired three
Japanese residents in Ethiopia as special correspondents. In
addition, journalists in London, Berlin, and Moscow were
instructed to cover the "European repercussions" of the war and the
paper's New York reporter was even sent to Africa on a special
mission. Finally, the services of "all the correspondents of world
renown" were engaged to cover the war.74
The August 1935 mission to Ethiopia of the Osaka Mainichi's New
York reporter, Wada Dengoro, is particularly noteworthy. News of
his intention to negotiate a contract with the Ethiopian government
for the Osaka Mainichi to broadcast to Ethiopians became a source
of concern as far away as the Union of South Africa. The Union's
Defense Department feared that "if the Japs get a footing in Ethiopia
of any kind, there will be no saying how far their influence will
extend."75
Back in Japan, a meeting of the Ethiopian Society of Osaka had
been held at Hotel New Osaka on 22 July. Many of the attendees
had either visited Ethiopia or had contact with Ethiopian Foreign
Minister Herui during his visit to Japan in 1931, the year following
the signing of a treaty of Friendship and Commerce between the
two nations. Some speakers, such as the consul in Osaka, Yukawa
Chusaburō（湯川忠三郎), stressed the similarities between Ethiopia
(Abyssinia) and Japan. Others, such as the executive director of the
Osaka-based Africa Traders' Association, Yamazoe Shinkichi (山添
新吉), spoke for commercial interests, reminding the gathering that
over 50 percent of Ethiopia’s imports of cotton cloth and piece
goods came from Japan.76
Popular support reached a fever pitch as money, letters, and
applications from Japanese wanting to fight for Ethiopia flooded the
honorary consulate in Osaka. Herui described a similar situation in
Addis Ababa, as applications from Japanese, some written in
blood, arrived en masse. Weeks later, Yukawa, the honorary
consul, attempted to secure passports for four Japanese citizens
wishing to enlist in Ethiopia’s flying corps. Another Japanese
commander had offered the volunteers the use of two planes. One
of the volunteers was Yasujiro Kita, a 28-year-old Japanese living
in Berlin. Concerning the influx of applications, Yasujiro declared,
“I am proud of the Japanese spirit of chivalry. I cannot remain idle
in face of the news of the Italo-Abyssinian conflict as long as
Japanese blood runs in my veins.”77 Despite this patriotic fervor,
Tokyo did not allow any Japanese to participate, and Ethiopia’s
consul rejected all applications.78
Japanese leaders, struggling to maintain control of policy, became
alarmed as public support for Ethiopia exploded. They decided to
clamp down on the activities of radical groups like the Amur River
Society (黒龍会). Police raids in the wake of these pro-Ethiopian
activities reduced this society to a shadow of its former self.79 The
Home Ministry's crackdown on the pro-Ethiopian activities of
patriotic societies was one manifestation of the controlling faction’s
assertion of power at this critical juncture. Finally, in February
1936, the failure of a coup by the Imperial Way Faction (皇道派)
further strengthened the hand of government leaders who
proceeded to ally Japan with Germany and Italy."
Read the entire article
the Italo-Ethiopian War
Editor's Note: The following is part of a much larger article
by Richard Bradshaw and Jim Ransdell entitled "Japan,
Britain and the Yellow Peril in Africa in the 1930s", as it
appears on The Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus
--------------------
31 October, 2011 (Richard Bradshaw and Jim Ransdell) - "In
contrast to the cautious, realpolitik stance of Japan’s leaders
toward the conflict, important segments of the Japanese public felt
that Italy's aggression should be unequivocally condemned, if not
forcibly prevented, by Japan. Support for the Ethiopian cause came
primarily from right-wing patriotic organizations and allied factions
within the military and the government bureaucracy, but also from a
large number of newspaper reporters and the public at large.
This is illustrated by the coverage of the conflict by The Osaka
Mainichi and its English version, as well as the Tokyo Nichi Nichi.
73 Even before the Italian invasion, the Osaka Mainichi hired three
Japanese residents in Ethiopia as special correspondents. In
addition, journalists in London, Berlin, and Moscow were
instructed to cover the "European repercussions" of the war and the
paper's New York reporter was even sent to Africa on a special
mission. Finally, the services of "all the correspondents of world
renown" were engaged to cover the war.74
The August 1935 mission to Ethiopia of the Osaka Mainichi's New
York reporter, Wada Dengoro, is particularly noteworthy. News of
his intention to negotiate a contract with the Ethiopian government
for the Osaka Mainichi to broadcast to Ethiopians became a source
of concern as far away as the Union of South Africa. The Union's
Defense Department feared that "if the Japs get a footing in Ethiopia
of any kind, there will be no saying how far their influence will
extend."75
Back in Japan, a meeting of the Ethiopian Society of Osaka had
been held at Hotel New Osaka on 22 July. Many of the attendees
had either visited Ethiopia or had contact with Ethiopian Foreign
Minister Herui during his visit to Japan in 1931, the year following
the signing of a treaty of Friendship and Commerce between the
two nations. Some speakers, such as the consul in Osaka, Yukawa
Chusaburō（湯川忠三郎), stressed the similarities between Ethiopia
(Abyssinia) and Japan. Others, such as the executive director of the
Osaka-based Africa Traders' Association, Yamazoe Shinkichi (山添
新吉), spoke for commercial interests, reminding the gathering that
over 50 percent of Ethiopia’s imports of cotton cloth and piece
goods came from Japan.76
Popular support reached a fever pitch as money, letters, and
applications from Japanese wanting to fight for Ethiopia flooded the
honorary consulate in Osaka. Herui described a similar situation in
Addis Ababa, as applications from Japanese, some written in
blood, arrived en masse. Weeks later, Yukawa, the honorary
consul, attempted to secure passports for four Japanese citizens
wishing to enlist in Ethiopia’s flying corps. Another Japanese
commander had offered the volunteers the use of two planes. One
of the volunteers was Yasujiro Kita, a 28-year-old Japanese living
in Berlin. Concerning the influx of applications, Yasujiro declared,
“I am proud of the Japanese spirit of chivalry. I cannot remain idle
in face of the news of the Italo-Abyssinian conflict as long as
Japanese blood runs in my veins.”77 Despite this patriotic fervor,
Tokyo did not allow any Japanese to participate, and Ethiopia’s
consul rejected all applications.78
Japanese leaders, struggling to maintain control of policy, became
alarmed as public support for Ethiopia exploded. They decided to
clamp down on the activities of radical groups like the Amur River
Society (黒龍会). Police raids in the wake of these pro-Ethiopian
activities reduced this society to a shadow of its former self.79 The
Home Ministry's crackdown on the pro-Ethiopian activities of
patriotic societies was one manifestation of the controlling faction’s
assertion of power at this critical juncture. Finally, in February
1936, the failure of a coup by the Imperial Way Faction (皇道派)
further strengthened the hand of government leaders who
proceeded to ally Japan with Germany and Italy."
Read the entire article
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If not now, when...?
(Rev. Tegga Lendado, PhD)
- "We did not know how to
discipline ourselves but we
wanted to lead our nation.We
did not have peace within us
but we preached utopia. We
hid hatred and war in our
hearts but outwardly advocated for justice... More
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| During this period, Japanese-Ethiopian relations were strong enough that a marriage between an Ethiopian prince and a Japanese woman was arranged. [Left] Kuroda Masako (proposed marriage between Araya Abeba of Ethiopia and Kuroda Masako of Japan) [Right] At the home of Mr. Sumioka. Front row, right to left: Araya Abeba, Foreign Minister Herui, Lij Tafari, and the interpreter, Daba Birru. In the back row are Mr. and Mrs. Sumioka. Picture taken from Herui’s Dai Nihon. “Marriage Alliance: The Union of Two Imperiums, Japan and Ethiopia?” Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Florida Conference of Historians, (Gainesville, FL: April 1999). |