PART II
Reviewing the Damaging Effects of Ethiopian
Diaspora Politics on the Wider Community and its Future
Initiatives:
The Search for Alternative Mechanisms
15 March, 2009 | Maru Gubena
Before anything else, let me just say a few things in simple, straightforward
words: my thanks to those who have expressed their views directly to me,
sharing their opinions and frustrations. My thanks also to those who
posted their constructive and most helpful comments on various Ethiopian
websites in response to my recently posted excerpted text and article. This
has been an encouragement, helping to pour some fuel into me to remain
engaged in my writing, as a part of the voice of Ethiopian politics. Yes, it is
indeed true that some of the comments I received were extremely powerful
and penetrating; in particular two long comments written in Amharic and
one in English managed to awaken my long hidden feelings and painful
memories in a highly accelerated fashion – feelings and memories that
arrived surrounded by clear images of the cruel and inhuman era of the
1970’s – as experienced by a disproportionately high number of my
generation. An era that successfully obliterated the long existing morale
and feelings of patriotism of Ethiopians, to the point that these seem
immensely difficult, if not impossible, to restore, and an era that is
responsible for the disintegration of our country – Ethiopia. Though many
of my compatriots who were a part of that most vicious regime, with its
hostile, dreadful political machines and mechanisms, might have a
different view of the atrocious and untold crimes committed by our own
people, it was also the Ethiopian military regime of that particular period
that made my country a killing field. The impact of that period is still
profound in our lives, making everything impossible, including working
together and finding a political solution to the ongoing multiple problems in
Ethiopia.
To be honest with you, while reading the comments mentioned above, but
also afterwards, I became a bit emotional; not surprisingly, I suddenly ran
out of my study, going downstairs in search of someone – someone who
carries more or less the same wounds and scars as many of my
generation, and someone who can understand my pain and is willing to
listen to me and share my emotions. Yes, I went running as fast as I could
to be with someone who is willing to hold me as closely and firmly as
possible and is capable of offering me the solace and comfort I needed so
badly in those remarkably disturbing but most memorable hours. What
more can I say, other than thanking the authors of the e-mails and posted
comments, except that that I am delighted to have published my text. Had I
not posted it, I would have missed the opportunity to share my views and
read these memorable, painful but wisely expressed comments.
Most of the questions raised, either in the e-mails I have received or the
reactions posted by readers, in response to the recently posted first part
of my article entitled “Reviewing the Damaging Effects of Ethiopian
Diaspora Politics on the Wider Community and its Future Initiatives: The
Search for Alternative Mechanisms,” were about when they would be able
to read the rest. In response, as promised, here is the second part of the
article. For those who have not had a chance to read the first part –
published between the last days of February and the first two or three
days of March 2009 – it is advisable to download and read part one
before proceeding with part two of the article.
In this paper the use of these terms will be strictly limited to the Ethiopian
Diaspora community and its involvement and role in areas of politics. A
good many of the issues and topics outlined in part one have been
included and examined in this paper, in the section on “Contemporary
Ethiopian Diaspora Politics in Historical Perspective.” The remaining critically
important questions and concerns will be incorporated and highlighted as
a part of the remaining three sub-themes; these will form the third and
fourth chapters, which are yet to be written and published.
• The Changing Face of the Ethiopian Diaspora and its Impact on Politics, the Wider
Community and Future Organizational Hopes and Initiatives
• Revisiting the May 2005 Ethiopian Parliamentary Election and its Role in
Generating a Spontaneous Mood of Unity Among the Diaspora Community
• Can Democracy take Root in a Country where Family, Group Orientation and
Regionalism are entrenched and Political Culture is lacking?
Finally, I must mention the lack of helpful written materials or study guides
regarding the history of the Ethiopian Diaspora community and how its
politics began and developed. As a result, this paper will be based
primarily on highly limited personal participation and observations of three
decades ago, making it extremely difficult, if not impossible, to present a
proper, relatively balanced overview. And in fact, examining any history –
not just the history of the Ethiopian Diaspora community and its politics –
and presenting it in a way that is compact and can be followed and clearly
understood by the intended readers is tricky for most people, if not for all
writers. It is certainly difficult for me. I am nevertheless determined to
confront myself, to refresh my memories, and to make every effort to take
a brief, close look at the historical processes and growth of the Ethiopian
Diaspora and its role in Ethiopian politics. Also, as we Ethiopians are so
good at having a variety of views – which can actually sometimes be
healthy – I am quite aware that the experiences and observations of
others, even if they had an opportunity to be in the same place at the
same time, may be far different from my own experiences and
observations, and from the views I express here. I would therefore kindly
request and encourage my Ethiopian compatriots of my generation to put
together their own helpful experiences and views, so that I and many other
Ethiopian compatriots and friends of Ethiopia can share and learn from
them.
Contemporary Ethiopian Diaspora Politics in Historical
Perspective
As long-time Ethiopian political activists and historians of Ethiopian politics
know, it would not be wrong to argue vigorously that the history of
Ethiopian Diaspora politics is inseparably linked to the early Ethiopian
student movement, made up of members and activists who had the
opportunity to come and further their studies in North America and
Europe. They gradually established their own Ethiopian Students’
Association in North America (ESANA) and The Union of Ethiopian
Students in Europe (ESUE), with firm determination to maintain their
working partnership with their compatriots back home and help to debate
the issues pertaining to Ethiopian political and economic issues and
political systems. They also wanted to speak out as loudly as they could
concerning the exceptional growth in income inequality, poverty, and
urban-rural gaps that plagued the majority of Ethiopians, along with many
other socio-cultural problems of their time. It is said that these early
Ethiopian student activists also saw a change in leadership, accompanied
by radical structural change and socio-political and economic
transformation, as paramount among their many objectives.
Disappointingly, however, despite these most ambitious plans, the
government of Emperor Haile Selassie –which the Ethiopian students had
hoped to see replaced by new political leadership and by the radical socio-
political and economic policies they had envisioned – was suddenly
deposed in 1974 by yet more radical, inexperienced and self-centred
members of the Ethiopian armed forces. Upon learning the bad news
about the emergence of the new enemy, only a very few of the large
number of the Ethiopian student activists in North America and Europe
returned to Ethiopia to join their compatriot comrades who were engaged
in political and armed resistance against the untimely and uninvited newly
emergent military junta. This government, with its 120 members, called
itself the Provisional Military Administrative Council, (otherwise known as
the Dergue, or Committee), became the undisputed ruler of the entire
nation and the subjugator of the Ethiopian people. The majority of
Ethiopian students remained in the USA and Europe, some by extending
their studies and others by applying for a new form of living permit –
political asylum, which was scarcely known to most Ethiopians of the
period. However, some returned home and even those who did not began
to focus their interest and energy exclusively on the political events and
processes in Ethiopia. A good number of the student leaders and well
known political figures within the Ethiopian students’ association and their
union in both North America and Europe joined either the Ethiopian People’
s Revolutionary Party (EPRP) or the All-Ethiopia Socialist Movement
(MEISON) in Ethiopia. Both the day-to-day activities of ESANA and ESUE
and the respect they had enjoyed were eroded, and both organizations
were destroyed.
Almost all students and political activists in the early Ethiopian student
movement were relatively young, probably on average between the ages
of 18 and 25. Also, probably due to the relatively easy life in Ethiopia
during the period in which the Golden Period Generation was born and
grew up, and because most came from well-to-do families, the majority of
the early Ethiopian student activists were relatively tall and good looking,
with their rather long hair worn “Afro style.” Yes, life in Ethiopia before the
upheaval of the bloody 1974 revolution was easy – and rather cheap as
well – and the movements of individuals were not restricted. There were
hardly any internal tensions or wars, and external wars were sporadic: the
Golden Period Generation never experienced continuous war nor
witnessed columns of tanks in their cities and towns, especially in
comparison to the experiences of the War Born Generation in the period
under the Dergue (for extended information see my two-part article, The
Revitalization of Ethiopia’s Most Tragic, Nightmarish and Painful Memories
of the 1970s: The Clash of Generations, published in November –
December 2006).
As the policy of the military regime became exceptionally harsh and
heinous, and widespread atrocious crimes continued throughout Ethiopia,
the early Ethiopian student activists in North America, Europe and Africa
were joined by new groups, arriving in massive numbers – Ethiopian
asylum seekers and refugees, the victims of the Dergue. These new
arrivals included a good number of EPRP urban political activists, as well
as those from Assimba and surrounding areas and towns, who had been
engaged in direct armed struggle with the ruthless military regime of
Ethiopia. Refugees from Ethiopia had been periodically registered,
selected and admitted as refugees by the immigration authorities of the
United States and by some European governments to come and live in
their countries. They arrived from their countries of first asylum, such as
Sudan, Djibouti, Kenya, but also some Mediterranean or South European
countries, such as Italy and Greece. Asylum seekers, on the other hand,
are individuals who arrive at any port of entry of a given country and apply
for political asylum based on widespread political, religious or other forms
of repression in their country of origin. A disproportionately high number
of the Ethiopian asylum seekers and refugees of the period, probably over
98 percent, were high school and university students, recent graduates or
teachers. Also, due to the severely restrictive policy imposed by the new
military regime on those leaving (or trying to leave) Ethiopia illegally –
considered to be a huge crime, tantamount to treason – and in addition to
the newness and uncertainties, for Ethiopians, of becoming an asylum
seeker or refugee in another country, almost all of the victims of the
atrociously cruel regime of the Dergue who managed to escape were
males. Consequently, like the students, the Ethiopian refugee population
of the period was almost exclusively male. Whatever refugee status or
student residence permits Ethiopians were given by other countries,
however, no member of the community in this period had ever thought,
even in their wildest dreams, that these new countries would be where
they would be maturing, spending the majority of their years, dying and
perhaps being buried. No, no one had ever predicted or even considered
remaining a landless people forever. Everyone had a solid plan of
returning home within a brief period – probably after a maximum of three
to five years (see also: The Future of the Maturing African Diaspora:
Sharing my Night Memories of the 1974 Ethiopian Revolution and the
Purpose of my Departure).
As the political and military positions of EPRP became progressively
weaker on both urban and rural fronts, hopes to overthrow the new
military regime continued to fade and the number of Ethiopian asylum
seekers and refugees arriving in other countries continued to increase.
The accelerating decline in the political position and military power of
EPRP also began to cause or contribute to internal tensions, feuds and
conflicts among its important organs and supporters in Europe and North
America; anxiety grew as the organization became weaker. Despite these
problems and the uncertain future of the EPRP, discussions and debates
continued during its short life, and political meetings, and study groups
were established to collectively follow political developments and other
events that were underway in our country, and to actively explore Marxism,
Leninism and other relevant theories. In those days meetings of the
various study cells always took place face-to-face. This was probably due
to the importance of personal and group security as well as the fact that
today’s technological possibilities were not yet available: other forms of
interaction such as teleconferences or discussions using paltalk software
while sitting in one’s own house, perhaps in bed or while cooking, were
totally unknown to the early Ethiopian students and political activists who
were soon to become known as “Ethiopian refugees” or “the Ethiopian
Diaspora community.” Attending a politically oriented meeting and
becoming a well known participant in such gatherings and debates were
seen by most activists, at least indirectly, as important – just as it would be
important, for example in top educational circles, to be associated with the
activities of a well known and highly respected educational institution.
Also, being familiar with and readily employing Marxist terminology, such
as “sectarianism” or the “sectarians,” the “proletariat” or “proletarians” and
the “remnants” when speaking in meetings and conferences, was often
associated with being a revolutionary who had a profound involvement in
and understanding of the fundamentals of Marxism and Leninism.
Presenting the communist manifesto and explaining its content and
meaning, and talking in great detail about the 1917 Russian revolution
and the irreconcilable ideological differences between the Bolsheviks and
Mensheviks, including the deep-seated animosity between Joseph Stalin
and Leon Trotsky, were all seen as hugely important and a sign that the
Ethiopian political activists or cell members involved were educated and
knowledgeable in Marxist and other relevant theories associated with
socialism and communism – most likely someone who had attended one of
the highly respected universities in Moscow or Beijing. Having a number of
personal books in one’s room, preferably hardcovers (red in colour)
bearing the names of Karl Marx, Vladimir Lenin, Frederick Engels or all
three, and carrying one or more of these books while walking, was used to
signify some sort of intellectuality and a deep involvement in the concepts
of the socialist and communist mode of production.
Unsurprisingly, although almost all of the Ethiopian students and political
activists who opposed the regime of our country were residing safely in
the western world, either as students or as asylum seekers/refugees, they
neither appreciated nor valued the political and economic systems of their
countries of residence, including their mode of production. Participants in
the various study groups were repeatedly encouraged to study Marxism,
Leninism and related books, and to become devoted forces towards socio-
economic and political change in a truly revolutionary future Ethiopia. On
the other hand, however, the high-ranking individuals in these groups did
not appreciate or value time spent by members of the various cells in
social or other activities related to personal wellbeing. Even though (as
mentioned above), the population of early Ethiopian students and political
activists was predominantly male, the desire or temptation to have a
girlfriend, or to talk about sex or sexuality was seen as undesired and
unhealthy – something that could weaken the group. Such activities were,
therefore, socially discouraged and forbidden, not just by the leaders of
the group, but also by most participants in the various cells. Yes, as
interdependence among Ethiopians was phenomenal, the social control
was extremely heavy. There were very few Ethiopian girls, perhaps two or
three among the thirty to forty members of each group, and they were
usually associated with well-known, dominant figures. Probably because of
the limited number of female Ethiopians and because most of the early
Ethiopian students and political activists were young, in their early lives,
terms such as engagement, marriage or wedding were unfamiliar to most
of them. As result, there was little or no talk about such ideas, and no one
among us was either engaged or married. Most used to sleep quite often
with their Marxist and Leninist books.
Yes, the period was indeed remarkable, and is painfully full of memories,
including difficulties and homesickness or nostalgia – difficulties and
homesickness experienced by the early Ethiopian students and political
activists. Technological communications were less advanced than today,
and the number of Ethiopians in Ethiopia who owned landline phones was
far more limited, but also the risk of communicating with family members
back home was enormously great. Making contact with those who were
considered to be enemies of the regime and the country it ruled was seen
as reason enough to be arrested, tortured or even killed, so direct
contacts with family members and friends were extremely and painfully
difficult, if not impossible. Even letters sent from Ethiopians living abroad
to families back home were often returned to the senders by the cadres of
the ruthless regime with a list of possible messages stamped on the
envelope, including: “the person to whom this letter has been addressed
has disappeared.” Or “the person to whom this letter has been addressed
has been imprisoned or executed,” and so on. In reality, however, the
messages received from the cadres of the regime were not always true.
Yes, after repeatedly writing to family members and friends most students
managed to discover that that those who had been declared to have
disappeared, or to have been imprisoned or executed, were actually well
and alive!
The exchange of information related to political developments in the
country, especially exchanges with those who were engaged in the
struggle against the military regime, was limited to the high ranking
members of the study groups or cells. The majority of the group knew little
or nothing. Remarkably enough, however, whenever there was bad news,
such as arrests or killing of important members of the resistance or their
leaders in the war front, it could be read in the faces of the group leaders
who received or heard the news. Yes, as the measures being undertaken
by the military regime of the time against both urban and rural EPRP
activists, its supporters and sympathizers, became more atrociously
inhuman, the awful and depressing news continued to reach Ethiopians
living outside Ethiopia. Though it was difficult to verify the accuracy of the
news or to know exactly what had happened, the ambush and
assassination of a group of high ranking EPRP leaders by the death
squads of the military regime were said to have been the most decisive
factors in discontinuing all political activities and engagements, and
disbanding the various study groups or cells (for further reading see the
article, “Evaluating Three Decades of Ethiopian Resistance, its
Challenges, Achievements and Failures: Perspectives for Political and
Leadership Change”).
In my recollection, it was in early or mid 1979 that a three day international
conference intended for all Ethiopians residing in Europe and North
America was called to discuss and debate the future, and probably also to
see if anything could be done to arrest the total disintegration of their
party – the EPRP. The conference was held in Europe, in Amsterdam, the
capital city of The Netherlands. As far as I can recall, participants came
from as far as what were then the Soviet Union and the Eastern Block
countries, from Sweden, Norway, France, Germany, Great Britain and
many other countries. Even though most of the debates were heated,
emotionally loaded and conducted in revolutionary tones, in general
terms, the conference, which marked the end of political activities, study
groups and any other form of political meetings, was rational, friendly, full
of closeness among participants and indeed pleasant. Also, as Ethiopians
of the period were still fond of being together and sleeping in a single
room, five or even ten or fifteen together, there was no need to book hotel
rooms. Yes, though we Ethiopians can often be allergic to agreement and
to working together in areas related to national issues, sleeping in one
room and talking the whole night about Ethiopian politics is undeniably
among our favourite pastimes. However, except for some small sporadic
educational seminars organized at the national level by universities or
Ethiopian community associations, the international conference held in
Amsterdam was to be the last gathering on Ethiopian political issues for
almost a decade. All political activity halted for what was then an unknown
period, while individual Ethiopian activists went on with their studies and
personal lives. Yes, it took almost a decade for the political spirits and
morale of the early Ethiopian political activists to revive, and for them to
return to Ethiopian politics.
Paradoxically, and for most of my readers perhaps strangely, even
unacceptably, it was nonetheless the unexpected military strength, as well
as the successes and political strategies of the enemies of Ethiopian unity
– the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) and the Tigrayan People’s
Liberation
Front (TPLF) – that, in combination with the rapid decline in the military
and political power of the Ethiopian military regime, contributed
significantly to the reviving, reenergizing and regrouping of the Ethiopian
Diaspora political activists. The surviving EPRP and MEISON leaders and
their supporters and sympathizers who had often joked and talked so
disparagingly about TPLF, never believing it could succeed in defeating
the military regime and become the unchallenged ruler of the entire land
of Ethiopia, finally reappeared from their Diaspora fortresses around 1988
and 1989, after almost a decade of silence. The few leaders of these two
historical enemies, EPRP and MEISON, who had managed to survive the
killing fields constructed by the inhuman leadership of the Dergue regime,
made a marriage of convenience almost immediately after their
reappearance in 1991. They announced the formation of a new alliance,
the Coalition of Democratic Ethiopian Forces (CODEF), aimed at either
forcing the TPLF leadership to form a coalition government with them, or
failing that at collectively voicing their opposition to TPLF’s single-handed
rule. Knowing the scattered nature of the Ethiopian opposition, their non-
existent power base and the disorganization of their parties, however, the
TPLF leadership remained determined, continuing to rule Ethiopia and its
people single-handedly, under its own terms, desires and policies. As
result, despite never-ending feuds, divisions and deep-seated wounds
and hostilities (some historical, some freshly inflicted) among the
opposition groups, Ethiopian Diaspora politics, whether functional or
dysfunctional, with members or without, with a leader or leaderless, with
financial resources or not, have persisted to the present day. They have
continued in spite of the ineffectiveness of Ethiopia Diaspora politics and
the direct or indirect damaging effects these politics have had on the wider
Ethiopian Diaspora community, including the harm to current and future
political and organizational hopes and initiatives. Additionally, the
repressive policies directed by the TPLF regime at conscious and
concerned Ethiopians, including human rights activists and the press,
along with its arrogant, thoughtless retort that “if you don’t like me and if
you don’t agree with my policy, you can go and live anywhere you wish,”
have produced a massive number of new Ethiopian asylum seekers and
refugees, who in turn have dramatically changed both the composition
and the face of the Ethiopian Diaspora community, including the process
and direction of its politics.
Maru Gubena
Readers who wish to contact the author can reach me at info@pada.nl
• As pointed out on page three, the issues, questions and concerns raised
in part one will be included and examined together with the remaining
three sub-topics, including,
•The Changing Face of the Ethiopian Diaspora and its Impact on Politics,
the Wider Community and Future Organizational Hopes and Initiatives;
•Revisiting the May 2005 Ethiopian Parliamentary Election and its Role in
Generating a Spontaneous Mood of Unity Among the Diaspora
Community; and
•Can Democracy take Root in a Country where Family, Group Orientation
and Regionalism are entrenched and Political Culture is lacking? when I
come back to work on chapters three and four of this paper.
Back To Editor's blog or Home
Reviewing the Damaging Effects of Ethiopian
Diaspora Politics on the Wider Community and its Future
Initiatives:
The Search for Alternative Mechanisms
15 March, 2009 | Maru Gubena
Before anything else, let me just say a few things in simple, straightforward
words: my thanks to those who have expressed their views directly to me,
sharing their opinions and frustrations. My thanks also to those who
posted their constructive and most helpful comments on various Ethiopian
websites in response to my recently posted excerpted text and article. This
has been an encouragement, helping to pour some fuel into me to remain
engaged in my writing, as a part of the voice of Ethiopian politics. Yes, it is
indeed true that some of the comments I received were extremely powerful
and penetrating; in particular two long comments written in Amharic and
one in English managed to awaken my long hidden feelings and painful
memories in a highly accelerated fashion – feelings and memories that
arrived surrounded by clear images of the cruel and inhuman era of the
1970’s – as experienced by a disproportionately high number of my
generation. An era that successfully obliterated the long existing morale
and feelings of patriotism of Ethiopians, to the point that these seem
immensely difficult, if not impossible, to restore, and an era that is
responsible for the disintegration of our country – Ethiopia. Though many
of my compatriots who were a part of that most vicious regime, with its
hostile, dreadful political machines and mechanisms, might have a
different view of the atrocious and untold crimes committed by our own
people, it was also the Ethiopian military regime of that particular period
that made my country a killing field. The impact of that period is still
profound in our lives, making everything impossible, including working
together and finding a political solution to the ongoing multiple problems in
Ethiopia.
To be honest with you, while reading the comments mentioned above, but
also afterwards, I became a bit emotional; not surprisingly, I suddenly ran
out of my study, going downstairs in search of someone – someone who
carries more or less the same wounds and scars as many of my
generation, and someone who can understand my pain and is willing to
listen to me and share my emotions. Yes, I went running as fast as I could
to be with someone who is willing to hold me as closely and firmly as
possible and is capable of offering me the solace and comfort I needed so
badly in those remarkably disturbing but most memorable hours. What
more can I say, other than thanking the authors of the e-mails and posted
comments, except that that I am delighted to have published my text. Had I
not posted it, I would have missed the opportunity to share my views and
read these memorable, painful but wisely expressed comments.
Most of the questions raised, either in the e-mails I have received or the
reactions posted by readers, in response to the recently posted first part
of my article entitled “Reviewing the Damaging Effects of Ethiopian
Diaspora Politics on the Wider Community and its Future Initiatives: The
Search for Alternative Mechanisms,” were about when they would be able
to read the rest. In response, as promised, here is the second part of the
article. For those who have not had a chance to read the first part –
published between the last days of February and the first two or three
days of March 2009 – it is advisable to download and read part one
before proceeding with part two of the article.
As outlined in part one
of this article, for
methodological
purposes and to
provide a clear,
effective review of the
interlinked topical
issues and questions
raised there, two
critically important
terms, functional and
dysfunctional will be
employed in relation to
community or society.
In this paper the use of these terms will be strictly limited to the Ethiopian
Diaspora community and its involvement and role in areas of politics. A
good many of the issues and topics outlined in part one have been
included and examined in this paper, in the section on “Contemporary
Ethiopian Diaspora Politics in Historical Perspective.” The remaining critically
important questions and concerns will be incorporated and highlighted as
a part of the remaining three sub-themes; these will form the third and
fourth chapters, which are yet to be written and published.
• The Changing Face of the Ethiopian Diaspora and its Impact on Politics, the Wider
Community and Future Organizational Hopes and Initiatives
• Revisiting the May 2005 Ethiopian Parliamentary Election and its Role in
Generating a Spontaneous Mood of Unity Among the Diaspora Community
• Can Democracy take Root in a Country where Family, Group Orientation and
Regionalism are entrenched and Political Culture is lacking?
Finally, I must mention the lack of helpful written materials or study guides
regarding the history of the Ethiopian Diaspora community and how its
politics began and developed. As a result, this paper will be based
primarily on highly limited personal participation and observations of three
decades ago, making it extremely difficult, if not impossible, to present a
proper, relatively balanced overview. And in fact, examining any history –
not just the history of the Ethiopian Diaspora community and its politics –
and presenting it in a way that is compact and can be followed and clearly
understood by the intended readers is tricky for most people, if not for all
writers. It is certainly difficult for me. I am nevertheless determined to
confront myself, to refresh my memories, and to make every effort to take
a brief, close look at the historical processes and growth of the Ethiopian
Diaspora and its role in Ethiopian politics. Also, as we Ethiopians are so
good at having a variety of views – which can actually sometimes be
healthy – I am quite aware that the experiences and observations of
others, even if they had an opportunity to be in the same place at the
same time, may be far different from my own experiences and
observations, and from the views I express here. I would therefore kindly
request and encourage my Ethiopian compatriots of my generation to put
together their own helpful experiences and views, so that I and many other
Ethiopian compatriots and friends of Ethiopia can share and learn from
them.
Contemporary Ethiopian Diaspora Politics in Historical
Perspective
As long-time Ethiopian political activists and historians of Ethiopian politics
know, it would not be wrong to argue vigorously that the history of
Ethiopian Diaspora politics is inseparably linked to the early Ethiopian
student movement, made up of members and activists who had the
opportunity to come and further their studies in North America and
Europe. They gradually established their own Ethiopian Students’
Association in North America (ESANA) and The Union of Ethiopian
Students in Europe (ESUE), with firm determination to maintain their
working partnership with their compatriots back home and help to debate
the issues pertaining to Ethiopian political and economic issues and
political systems. They also wanted to speak out as loudly as they could
concerning the exceptional growth in income inequality, poverty, and
urban-rural gaps that plagued the majority of Ethiopians, along with many
other socio-cultural problems of their time. It is said that these early
Ethiopian student activists also saw a change in leadership, accompanied
by radical structural change and socio-political and economic
transformation, as paramount among their many objectives.
Disappointingly, however, despite these most ambitious plans, the
government of Emperor Haile Selassie –which the Ethiopian students had
hoped to see replaced by new political leadership and by the radical socio-
political and economic policies they had envisioned – was suddenly
deposed in 1974 by yet more radical, inexperienced and self-centred
members of the Ethiopian armed forces. Upon learning the bad news
about the emergence of the new enemy, only a very few of the large
number of the Ethiopian student activists in North America and Europe
returned to Ethiopia to join their compatriot comrades who were engaged
in political and armed resistance against the untimely and uninvited newly
emergent military junta. This government, with its 120 members, called
itself the Provisional Military Administrative Council, (otherwise known as
the Dergue, or Committee), became the undisputed ruler of the entire
nation and the subjugator of the Ethiopian people. The majority of
Ethiopian students remained in the USA and Europe, some by extending
their studies and others by applying for a new form of living permit –
political asylum, which was scarcely known to most Ethiopians of the
period. However, some returned home and even those who did not began
to focus their interest and energy exclusively on the political events and
processes in Ethiopia. A good number of the student leaders and well
known political figures within the Ethiopian students’ association and their
union in both North America and Europe joined either the Ethiopian People’
s Revolutionary Party (EPRP) or the All-Ethiopia Socialist Movement
(MEISON) in Ethiopia. Both the day-to-day activities of ESANA and ESUE
and the respect they had enjoyed were eroded, and both organizations
were destroyed.
Almost all students and political activists in the early Ethiopian student
movement were relatively young, probably on average between the ages
of 18 and 25. Also, probably due to the relatively easy life in Ethiopia
during the period in which the Golden Period Generation was born and
grew up, and because most came from well-to-do families, the majority of
the early Ethiopian student activists were relatively tall and good looking,
with their rather long hair worn “Afro style.” Yes, life in Ethiopia before the
upheaval of the bloody 1974 revolution was easy – and rather cheap as
well – and the movements of individuals were not restricted. There were
hardly any internal tensions or wars, and external wars were sporadic: the
Golden Period Generation never experienced continuous war nor
witnessed columns of tanks in their cities and towns, especially in
comparison to the experiences of the War Born Generation in the period
under the Dergue (for extended information see my two-part article, The
Revitalization of Ethiopia’s Most Tragic, Nightmarish and Painful Memories
of the 1970s: The Clash of Generations, published in November –
December 2006).
As the policy of the military regime became exceptionally harsh and
heinous, and widespread atrocious crimes continued throughout Ethiopia,
the early Ethiopian student activists in North America, Europe and Africa
were joined by new groups, arriving in massive numbers – Ethiopian
asylum seekers and refugees, the victims of the Dergue. These new
arrivals included a good number of EPRP urban political activists, as well
as those from Assimba and surrounding areas and towns, who had been
engaged in direct armed struggle with the ruthless military regime of
Ethiopia. Refugees from Ethiopia had been periodically registered,
selected and admitted as refugees by the immigration authorities of the
United States and by some European governments to come and live in
their countries. They arrived from their countries of first asylum, such as
Sudan, Djibouti, Kenya, but also some Mediterranean or South European
countries, such as Italy and Greece. Asylum seekers, on the other hand,
are individuals who arrive at any port of entry of a given country and apply
for political asylum based on widespread political, religious or other forms
of repression in their country of origin. A disproportionately high number
of the Ethiopian asylum seekers and refugees of the period, probably over
98 percent, were high school and university students, recent graduates or
teachers. Also, due to the severely restrictive policy imposed by the new
military regime on those leaving (or trying to leave) Ethiopia illegally –
considered to be a huge crime, tantamount to treason – and in addition to
the newness and uncertainties, for Ethiopians, of becoming an asylum
seeker or refugee in another country, almost all of the victims of the
atrociously cruel regime of the Dergue who managed to escape were
males. Consequently, like the students, the Ethiopian refugee population
of the period was almost exclusively male. Whatever refugee status or
student residence permits Ethiopians were given by other countries,
however, no member of the community in this period had ever thought,
even in their wildest dreams, that these new countries would be where
they would be maturing, spending the majority of their years, dying and
perhaps being buried. No, no one had ever predicted or even considered
remaining a landless people forever. Everyone had a solid plan of
returning home within a brief period – probably after a maximum of three
to five years (see also: The Future of the Maturing African Diaspora:
Sharing my Night Memories of the 1974 Ethiopian Revolution and the
Purpose of my Departure).
As the political and military positions of EPRP became progressively
weaker on both urban and rural fronts, hopes to overthrow the new
military regime continued to fade and the number of Ethiopian asylum
seekers and refugees arriving in other countries continued to increase.
The accelerating decline in the political position and military power of
EPRP also began to cause or contribute to internal tensions, feuds and
conflicts among its important organs and supporters in Europe and North
America; anxiety grew as the organization became weaker. Despite these
problems and the uncertain future of the EPRP, discussions and debates
continued during its short life, and political meetings, and study groups
were established to collectively follow political developments and other
events that were underway in our country, and to actively explore Marxism,
Leninism and other relevant theories. In those days meetings of the
various study cells always took place face-to-face. This was probably due
to the importance of personal and group security as well as the fact that
today’s technological possibilities were not yet available: other forms of
interaction such as teleconferences or discussions using paltalk software
while sitting in one’s own house, perhaps in bed or while cooking, were
totally unknown to the early Ethiopian students and political activists who
were soon to become known as “Ethiopian refugees” or “the Ethiopian
Diaspora community.” Attending a politically oriented meeting and
becoming a well known participant in such gatherings and debates were
seen by most activists, at least indirectly, as important – just as it would be
important, for example in top educational circles, to be associated with the
activities of a well known and highly respected educational institution.
Also, being familiar with and readily employing Marxist terminology, such
as “sectarianism” or the “sectarians,” the “proletariat” or “proletarians” and
the “remnants” when speaking in meetings and conferences, was often
associated with being a revolutionary who had a profound involvement in
and understanding of the fundamentals of Marxism and Leninism.
Presenting the communist manifesto and explaining its content and
meaning, and talking in great detail about the 1917 Russian revolution
and the irreconcilable ideological differences between the Bolsheviks and
Mensheviks, including the deep-seated animosity between Joseph Stalin
and Leon Trotsky, were all seen as hugely important and a sign that the
Ethiopian political activists or cell members involved were educated and
knowledgeable in Marxist and other relevant theories associated with
socialism and communism – most likely someone who had attended one of
the highly respected universities in Moscow or Beijing. Having a number of
personal books in one’s room, preferably hardcovers (red in colour)
bearing the names of Karl Marx, Vladimir Lenin, Frederick Engels or all
three, and carrying one or more of these books while walking, was used to
signify some sort of intellectuality and a deep involvement in the concepts
of the socialist and communist mode of production.
Unsurprisingly, although almost all of the Ethiopian students and political
activists who opposed the regime of our country were residing safely in
the western world, either as students or as asylum seekers/refugees, they
neither appreciated nor valued the political and economic systems of their
countries of residence, including their mode of production. Participants in
the various study groups were repeatedly encouraged to study Marxism,
Leninism and related books, and to become devoted forces towards socio-
economic and political change in a truly revolutionary future Ethiopia. On
the other hand, however, the high-ranking individuals in these groups did
not appreciate or value time spent by members of the various cells in
social or other activities related to personal wellbeing. Even though (as
mentioned above), the population of early Ethiopian students and political
activists was predominantly male, the desire or temptation to have a
girlfriend, or to talk about sex or sexuality was seen as undesired and
unhealthy – something that could weaken the group. Such activities were,
therefore, socially discouraged and forbidden, not just by the leaders of
the group, but also by most participants in the various cells. Yes, as
interdependence among Ethiopians was phenomenal, the social control
was extremely heavy. There were very few Ethiopian girls, perhaps two or
three among the thirty to forty members of each group, and they were
usually associated with well-known, dominant figures. Probably because of
the limited number of female Ethiopians and because most of the early
Ethiopian students and political activists were young, in their early lives,
terms such as engagement, marriage or wedding were unfamiliar to most
of them. As result, there was little or no talk about such ideas, and no one
among us was either engaged or married. Most used to sleep quite often
with their Marxist and Leninist books.
Yes, the period was indeed remarkable, and is painfully full of memories,
including difficulties and homesickness or nostalgia – difficulties and
homesickness experienced by the early Ethiopian students and political
activists. Technological communications were less advanced than today,
and the number of Ethiopians in Ethiopia who owned landline phones was
far more limited, but also the risk of communicating with family members
back home was enormously great. Making contact with those who were
considered to be enemies of the regime and the country it ruled was seen
as reason enough to be arrested, tortured or even killed, so direct
contacts with family members and friends were extremely and painfully
difficult, if not impossible. Even letters sent from Ethiopians living abroad
to families back home were often returned to the senders by the cadres of
the ruthless regime with a list of possible messages stamped on the
envelope, including: “the person to whom this letter has been addressed
has disappeared.” Or “the person to whom this letter has been addressed
has been imprisoned or executed,” and so on. In reality, however, the
messages received from the cadres of the regime were not always true.
Yes, after repeatedly writing to family members and friends most students
managed to discover that that those who had been declared to have
disappeared, or to have been imprisoned or executed, were actually well
and alive!
The exchange of information related to political developments in the
country, especially exchanges with those who were engaged in the
struggle against the military regime, was limited to the high ranking
members of the study groups or cells. The majority of the group knew little
or nothing. Remarkably enough, however, whenever there was bad news,
such as arrests or killing of important members of the resistance or their
leaders in the war front, it could be read in the faces of the group leaders
who received or heard the news. Yes, as the measures being undertaken
by the military regime of the time against both urban and rural EPRP
activists, its supporters and sympathizers, became more atrociously
inhuman, the awful and depressing news continued to reach Ethiopians
living outside Ethiopia. Though it was difficult to verify the accuracy of the
news or to know exactly what had happened, the ambush and
assassination of a group of high ranking EPRP leaders by the death
squads of the military regime were said to have been the most decisive
factors in discontinuing all political activities and engagements, and
disbanding the various study groups or cells (for further reading see the
article, “Evaluating Three Decades of Ethiopian Resistance, its
Challenges, Achievements and Failures: Perspectives for Political and
Leadership Change”).
In my recollection, it was in early or mid 1979 that a three day international
conference intended for all Ethiopians residing in Europe and North
America was called to discuss and debate the future, and probably also to
see if anything could be done to arrest the total disintegration of their
party – the EPRP. The conference was held in Europe, in Amsterdam, the
capital city of The Netherlands. As far as I can recall, participants came
from as far as what were then the Soviet Union and the Eastern Block
countries, from Sweden, Norway, France, Germany, Great Britain and
many other countries. Even though most of the debates were heated,
emotionally loaded and conducted in revolutionary tones, in general
terms, the conference, which marked the end of political activities, study
groups and any other form of political meetings, was rational, friendly, full
of closeness among participants and indeed pleasant. Also, as Ethiopians
of the period were still fond of being together and sleeping in a single
room, five or even ten or fifteen together, there was no need to book hotel
rooms. Yes, though we Ethiopians can often be allergic to agreement and
to working together in areas related to national issues, sleeping in one
room and talking the whole night about Ethiopian politics is undeniably
among our favourite pastimes. However, except for some small sporadic
educational seminars organized at the national level by universities or
Ethiopian community associations, the international conference held in
Amsterdam was to be the last gathering on Ethiopian political issues for
almost a decade. All political activity halted for what was then an unknown
period, while individual Ethiopian activists went on with their studies and
personal lives. Yes, it took almost a decade for the political spirits and
morale of the early Ethiopian political activists to revive, and for them to
return to Ethiopian politics.
Paradoxically, and for most of my readers perhaps strangely, even
unacceptably, it was nonetheless the unexpected military strength, as well
as the successes and political strategies of the enemies of Ethiopian unity
– the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) and the Tigrayan People’s
Liberation
Front (TPLF) – that, in combination with the rapid decline in the military
and political power of the Ethiopian military regime, contributed
significantly to the reviving, reenergizing and regrouping of the Ethiopian
Diaspora political activists. The surviving EPRP and MEISON leaders and
their supporters and sympathizers who had often joked and talked so
disparagingly about TPLF, never believing it could succeed in defeating
the military regime and become the unchallenged ruler of the entire land
of Ethiopia, finally reappeared from their Diaspora fortresses around 1988
and 1989, after almost a decade of silence. The few leaders of these two
historical enemies, EPRP and MEISON, who had managed to survive the
killing fields constructed by the inhuman leadership of the Dergue regime,
made a marriage of convenience almost immediately after their
reappearance in 1991. They announced the formation of a new alliance,
the Coalition of Democratic Ethiopian Forces (CODEF), aimed at either
forcing the TPLF leadership to form a coalition government with them, or
failing that at collectively voicing their opposition to TPLF’s single-handed
rule. Knowing the scattered nature of the Ethiopian opposition, their non-
existent power base and the disorganization of their parties, however, the
TPLF leadership remained determined, continuing to rule Ethiopia and its
people single-handedly, under its own terms, desires and policies. As
result, despite never-ending feuds, divisions and deep-seated wounds
and hostilities (some historical, some freshly inflicted) among the
opposition groups, Ethiopian Diaspora politics, whether functional or
dysfunctional, with members or without, with a leader or leaderless, with
financial resources or not, have persisted to the present day. They have
continued in spite of the ineffectiveness of Ethiopia Diaspora politics and
the direct or indirect damaging effects these politics have had on the wider
Ethiopian Diaspora community, including the harm to current and future
political and organizational hopes and initiatives. Additionally, the
repressive policies directed by the TPLF regime at conscious and
concerned Ethiopians, including human rights activists and the press,
along with its arrogant, thoughtless retort that “if you don’t like me and if
you don’t agree with my policy, you can go and live anywhere you wish,”
have produced a massive number of new Ethiopian asylum seekers and
refugees, who in turn have dramatically changed both the composition
and the face of the Ethiopian Diaspora community, including the process
and direction of its politics.
Maru Gubena
Readers who wish to contact the author can reach me at info@pada.nl
• As pointed out on page three, the issues, questions and concerns raised
in part one will be included and examined together with the remaining
three sub-topics, including,
•The Changing Face of the Ethiopian Diaspora and its Impact on Politics,
the Wider Community and Future Organizational Hopes and Initiatives;
•Revisiting the May 2005 Ethiopian Parliamentary Election and its Role in
Generating a Spontaneous Mood of Unity Among the Diaspora
Community; and
•Can Democracy take Root in a Country where Family, Group Orientation
and Regionalism are entrenched and Political Culture is lacking? when I
come back to work on chapters three and four of this paper.
Back To Editor's blog or Home
| All rights reserved. |
| Ethio Quest News Together We Can Make It! |
 | |  | |  | |  | |  | |  | |  |
| Ethiopia's History of National Resistance for African Unity & Dignity PART - ONE PART - TWO PART - THREE |
| Ethio Quest News: For latest Ethiopian News, views, Reviews and More |
| Ethiopian Perspective Articles by Category Ethiopian Diversity Ethiopian Economy Ethiopian Politics Ethiopian Women |
| Other Articles by Maru Gubena |
| PART III Reviewing the Damaging Effects of Ethiopian Diaspora Politics on the Wider Community and its Future Initiatives: The Search for Alternative Mechanisms – A Response to Readers’ Comments and Questions Effects of the Ethiopia-Eritrea Border Dispute Ethiopian Socio-Cultural Rules Require Fundamental Change: A Case from my Bag of Chilhood Memories PART I Reviewing the Damaging Effects of Ethiopian Diaspora Politics on the Wider Community and its Future Initiatives: The Search for Alternative Mechanisms – |