- “There are many people who feel that it is useless and futile for us to continue
talking [about] peace and non-violence — … And I think the time has come for us
to consider, in the light of our experiences … whether the methods which we
have applied so far are adequate.” Nelson Mandela
“The question is no longer between violence and non-violence; it is between non-
violence and non-existence.” Martin Luther King Jr.
The demand for capable and competent leaders who are committed to the values of Islam and the
restoration of national state has been discussed in the past article.1 Yet, Somalia remains to be a
country that inspires images of violence, chaos, disorder and abject poverty. For the past two
decades, various clans and sub clans have been dead locked in a violent struggle for power and
dominance. The lethal use of force has become the culture in resolving disputes between rival clans,
groups and governments. Now recent events, such as the Ethiopian intervention and the alleged Al-
Qaeda presence have further exacerbated the conflict and fueled the already growing volatile and
dismal state of Somalia. This infatuation of violence has been the root cause of the total collapse of
all Somali institutions and the human suffering. In addition, any peace talks on the nation’s agenda
have been delayed due to the consequent of all this violence. In order to conceptualize this violent
reality, it is crucial for the young generation of Somalis to learn the historical conflict, and
understand more deeply the crippling damage it has brought to a nation.
Somalia can be viewed in terms of identity socio-politics, where clan loyalty plays a key determinate
in starting or fueling the violence. However, clan identity is not the basis of the ensuing violence but
rather their deliberate manipulation creates and exacerbates divisions. Also, the colonial rule in
Somalia created a system of unequal advantage among the various clans in the region. This
inequality laid the foundation for potential conflict and tension along the clan structures. Subsequent
decades later, Somalia obtained its independence in July 1st 1960. During that year, British
Somaliland (north) and the Italian Somaliland (south) were unified to give birth to the Republic of
Somalia. While the newly formed Somali state was in a pre-mature stage of governance it had
engaged in a border dispute with Ethiopia and Kenya. Post-independence leaders sought to unite
Somalis under the banner of 'Great Somalia', encompassing the north-eastern region of Kenya,
French Somaliland (now Djibouti), and the Ogaden region of Ethiopia. This national goal, however,
divulged Somalia to be in constant conflict with its neighbours.
Four years later into independence, hostilities erupted between Somalia and Ethiopia and small scale
military clash broke out along the ill-defined border in 1964. The fighting ended through mediation
by international bodies headed by Sudan. Then, in 1969 a major turning point in the history of
Somalia takes place. The violent struggle for power led to the assassination of President Abdi-Rashid
Ali Sharmarke after which a military coup was engineered by the general of the Somali armed forces,
Mohamed Siad Barre. The new ruler overthrew the newly formed government and placed a military
dictatorship in its place. Barre’s regime adopted a socialist type of government, in which it “dissolved
the national assembly, banned political parties and adopted a supreme council with the power to rule
by decree.” This regime used ruthless methods to sustain its grip of power, such as public executions
against those who appose its policies or are accused of plotting against the State. One of the most
publicized incident occurred in 1975 when ten religious Scholars were publicly executed on the
charge of preaching against a new law that was in direct violation to Islamic law. Then shortly after in
1977 the country was mobilized again under the national agenda of ‘Great Somalia’ and a full scale
war with Ethiopia over the Ogaden region was irreversible. This particular conflict was devastating
for Somalia on many levels, but mainly it took a major toll on the underdeveloped economy and
caused instability in the political order.
manipulating clan loyalty in disguise of national security. Thus, internal strife and clan grievances
came to a boiling point due to the violent repression under Barre’s government. As a result, Somalis
took up arms to resist Barre in the form of organized factions representing different tribal and
regional interests. One of the earliest factions formed were the Somali Salvation Democratic
Movement (SSDF) and the Somali National Movement (SNM) at the end of the 1970’s. Barre –
against both movements- exercised indiscriminate force against the leaders and its supporters in
their situated regions. One of the major violence perpetuated against a large population were the
people of the Northern regions (Somaliland). In effort to maintain control of that region, Barre
ordered the Air Force to bomb the second capital of Somalia; Hargeisa, destroying the city in 1988.
The human casualties were enormous and devastating. The aftermath of the attack led to more clan
based factions to organize themselves and protest the government. As a result, the United Somali
Congress (USC) and Somali Patriotic Movement (SPM) came to surface and were met with the same
violent repression by Barre’s regime.
Furthermore, in early 1990’s, as the situation escalated to a boiling point, anti government groups
and the clan based factions engaged in a bloody battle against Barre’s regime. Fighting between the
opposition and the government continued until the collapse of the state in 1991, leaving thousands of
people dead. After the defeat of Barre’s regime and the absence of an immediate agreement on a new
government, a fierce struggle for power began within the alliance opposition groups. This particular
conflict resurfaced strong clan zeal and deep rooted grievances. The fighting continued between
SPM and USC, and later within USC factions in Mogadishu. These inter-clan battles further
contributed to the statistical loss of life and casualty in Somalia; ranging from tens of thousands of
fatalities and about a million refugees in and outside the country.
The descent into chaos and lawlessness in Somalia has brought a wave of dramatic events in the 1990’
s. Relative peaceful administrations were established in Puntland and Somaliland while bloody
conflicts continued in Southern Somalia. This unfortunate situation has brought extreme measures
of poverty and shortage of food that resulted in a devastating famine. In response to the
humanitarian crisis, the U.N Security Council authorized the deployment of troops in 1992. The
principle objective was to ‘Restore Hope’ and deliver food and aid safely to the neediest areas in
southern Somalia. The mission, however, has fallen in the ploy of different international interest
groups and the UN/US clash with local militias loyal to General Aidid - epitomized in the film “Black
Hawk Down” led to the ultimate failure of the humanitarian effort. After the gradual U.N departure
in 1995, the situation in the south further escalated and renewed the inter clan violence in Mogadishu
and the surrounding areas of Bay, Bakol, Kismayo and Baledweyne. The escalated conflict between
the factions in the south brought a wave of attempts to establish a system of order through
reconciliation conferences. Every attempt of reconciliation was met with disagreements that led to
the use of force and violence to oust the peace process. About 15 attempts of reconciliation
conferences have failed due to this unfortunate obsession with violence.
When viewing the development of Somalia,in relation to the country’s history of ongoing conflict, it
therefore leaves us to consider the perspective that the use of violence is the single factor obstacle to
any socio-political and economic progress in Somalia. It is evident that Somalis have failed in their
history to resort to peaceful conflict resolutions and opted for violent means. Today,the Transitional
Federal Government (TFG) backed by Ethiopia and the Alliance opposition backed by Eritrea are all
furthering this ongoing violence. None of them have demonstrated a non-violent approach or policy
in restoring hope and peace in the country. In the past half decade, oppressive violence and reactive
violence has been systematically perpetuated with no regard for the potential devastating
consequence.To reverse this enormous catastrophe, it is crucial for Somalis to understand that any
future solution to the Somali crises will have to be in the form of non-violent means. The civil society
organizations in Somalia give some hope because of their determined commitment to the values of
peace and development. It is imperative that such organizations are formed and supported and the
use of violence to solve Somali affairs denounced, once and for all, by all Somalis who are sincere
about peace in Somalia.
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Ahmed A. Abdullahi ( Kamil) is a senior student in Sociology and Political Science at Concordia
University in Montreal, Canada. Mr. Abdullahi can be reached @ ahmed.abd@sympatico.ca
Somalia: Understanding the History of Violence
5 November 2007
Ahmed A. Abdullahi (Kamil)