APPEAL TO THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS
Emperor Haile Selassie
June 1936
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"I, Haile Selassie I, Emperor
of Ethiopia, am here today to
claim that justice which is
due to my people, and the
assistance promised to it
eight months ago, when
fifty nations asserted that
aggression had been
committed in violation of
international treaties.
There is no precedent for a
Head of State himself
speaking in this assembly. But there is also no precedent for a people
being victim of such injustice and being at present threatened by
abandonment to its aggressor. Also, there has never before been an
example of any Government proceeding to the systematic extermination
of a nation by barbarous means, in violation of the most solemn
promises made by the nations of the earth that there should not be used
against innocent human beings the terrible poison of harmful gases. It is
to defend a people struggling for its age-old independence that the head
of the Ethiopian Empire has come to Geneva to fulfil this supreme duty,
after having himself fought at the head of his armies.
I pray to Almighty God that He may spare nations the terrible sufferings
that have just been inflicted on my people, and of which the chiefs who
accompany me here have been the horrified witnesses.
It is my duty to inform the Governments assembled in Geneva,
responsible as they are for the lives of millions of men, women and
children, of the deadly peril which threatens them, by describing to
them the fate which has been suffered by Ethiopia. It is not only upon
warriors that the Italian Government has made war. It has above all
attacked populations far removed from hostilities, in order to terrorize
and exterminate them.
At the beginning, towards the end of 1935, Italian aircraft hurled upon
my armies bombs of tear-gas. Their effects were but slight. The
soldiers learned to scatter, waiting until the wind had rapidly dispersed
the poisonous gases. The Italian aircraft then resorted to mustard gas.
Barrels of liquid were hurled upon armed groups. But this means also
was not effective; the liquid affected only a few soldiers, and barrels
upon the ground were themselves a warning to troops and to the
population of the danger.
It was at the time when the operations for the encircling of Makalle
were taking place that the Italian command, fearing a rout, followed the
procedure which it is now my duty to denounce to the world. Special
sprayers were installed on board aircraft so that they could vaporize,
over vast areas of territory, a fine, death-dealing rain. Groups of nine,
fifteen, eighteen aircraft followed one another so that the fog issuing
from them formed a continuous sheet. It was thus that, as from the end
of January, 1936, soldiers, women, children, cattle, rivers, lakes and
pastures were drenched continually with this deadly rain. In order to kill
off systematically all living creatures, in order to more surely to poison
waters and pastures, the Italian command made its aircraft pass over
and over again. That was its chief method of warfare.
Ravage and Terror
The very refinement of barbarism consisted in carrying ravage and
terror into the most densely populated parts of the territory, the points
farthest removed from the scene of hostilities. The object was to scatter
fear and death over a great part of the Ethiopian territory. These fearful
tactics succeeded. Men and animals succumbed. The deadly rain that
fell from the aircraft made all those whom it touched fly shrieking with
pain. All those who drank the poisoned water or ate the infected food
also succumbed in dreadful suffering. In tens of thousands, the victims
of the Italian mustard gas fell. It is in order to denounce to the civilized
world the tortures inflicted upon the Ethiopian people that I resolved to
come to Geneva. None other than myself and my brave companions in
arms could bring the League of Nations the undeniable proof. The
appeals of my delegates addressed to the League of Nations had
remained without any answer; my delegates had not been witnesses.
That is why I decided to come myself to bear witness against the crime
perpetrated against my people and give Europe a warning of the doom
that awaits it, if it should bow before the accomplished fact.
Is it necessary to remind the Assembly of the various stages of the
Ethiopian drama? For 20 years past, either as Heir Apparent, Regent of
the Empire, or as Emperor, I have never ceased to use all my efforts to
bring my country the benefits of civilization, and in particular to
establish relations of good neighbourliness with adjacent powers. In
particular I succeeded in concluding with Italy the Treaty of Friendship
of 1928, which absolutely prohibited the resort, under any pretext
whatsoever, to force of arms, substituting for force and pressure the
conciliation and arbitration on which civilized nations have based
international order.
Country More United
In its report of October 5th 1935, the Committee of Thirteen recognized
my effort and the results that I had achieved. The Governments thought
that the entry of Ethiopia into the League, whilst giving that country a
new guarantee for the maintenance of her territorial integrity and
independence, would help her to reach a higher level of civilization. It
does not seem that in Ethiopia today there is more disorder and
insecurity than in 1923. On the contrary, the country is more united and
the central power is better obeyed.
I should have procured still greater results for my people if obstacles of
every kind had not been put in the way by the Italian Government, the
Government which stirred up revolt and armed the rebels. Indeed the
Rome Government, as it has today openly proclaimed, has never ceased
to prepare for the conquest of Ethiopia. The Treaties of Friendship it
signed with me were not sincere; their only object was to hide its real
intention from me. The Italian Goverment asserts that for 14 years it
has been preparing for its present conquest. It therefore recognizes
today that when it supported the admission of Ethiopia to the League of
Nations in 1923, when it concluded the Treaty of Friendship in 1928,
when it signed the Pact of Paris outlawing war, it was deceiving the
whole world. The Ethiopian Government was, in these solemn treaties,
given additional guarantees of security which would enable it to achieve
further progress along the specific path of reform on which it had set
its feet, and to which it was devoting all its strength and all its heart.
Wal-Wal Pretext
The Wal-Wal incident, in December, 1934, came as a thunderbolt to
me. The Italian provocation was obvious and I did not hesitate to appeal
to the League of Nations. I invoked the provisions of the treaty of 1928,
the principles of the Covenant; I urged the procedure of conciliation and
arbitration. Unhappily for Ethiopia this was the time when a certain
Government considered that the European situation made it imperative at
all costs to obtain the friendship of Italy. The price paid was the
abandonment of Ethiopian independence to the greed of the Italian
Government. This secret agreement, contrary to the obligations of the
Covenant, has exerted a great influence over the course of events.
Ethiopia and the whole world have suffered and are still suffering today
its disastrous consequences.
This first violation of the Covenant was followed by many others.
Feeling itself encouraged in its policy against Ethiopia, the Rome
Government feverishly made war preparations, thinking that the
concerted pressure which was beginning to be exerted on the Ethiopian
Government, might perhaps not overcome the resistance of my people
to Italian domination. The time had to come, thus all sorts of difficulties
were placed in the way with a view to breaking up the procedure; of
conciliation and arbitration. All kinds of obstacles were placed in the
way of that procedure. Governments tried to prevent the Ethiopian
Government from finding arbitrators amongst their nationals: when once
the arbitral tribunal a was set up pressure was exercised so that an
award favourable to Italy should be given.
All this was in vain: the arbitrators, two of whom were Italian officials,
were forced to recognize unanimously that in the Wal-Wal incident, as
in the subsequent incidents, no international responsibility was to be
attributed to Ethiopia.
Peace Efforts
Following on this award. the Ethiopian Government sincerely thought
that an era of friendly relations might be opened with Italy. I loyally
offered my hand to the Roman Government. The Assembly was
informed by the report of the Committee of Thirteen, dated October
5th, 1935, of the details of the events which occurred after the month
of December, 1934, and up to October 3rd, 1935.
It will be sufficient if I quote a few of the conclusions of that report
Nos. 24, 25 and 26 "The Italian memorandum (containing the
complaints made by Italy) was laid on the Council table on September
4th, 1935, whereas Ethiopia's first appeal to the Council had been made
on December 14th, 1934. In the interval between these two dates, the
Italian Government opposed the consideration of the question by the
Council on the ground that the only appropriate procedure was that
provided for in the Italo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1928. Throughout the
whole of that period, moreover, the despatch of Italian troops to East
Africa was proceeding. These shipments of troops were represented to
the Council by the Italian Government as necessary for the defense of
its colonies menaced by Ethiopia's preparations. Ethiopia, on the
contrary, drew attention to the official pronouncements made in Italy
which, in its opinion, left no doubt "as to the hostile intentions of the
Italian Government."
From the outset of the dispute, the Ethiopian Government has sought a
settlement by peaceful means. It has appealed to the procedures of the
Covenant. The Italian Government desiring to keep strictly to the
procedures of the Italo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1928, the Ethiopian
Government assented. It invariably stated that it would faithfully carry
out the arbitral award even if the decision went against it. It agreed that
the question of the ownership of Wal-Wal should not be dealt with by
the arbitrators, because the Italian Government would not agree to such
a course. It asked the Council to despatch neutral observers and offered
to lend itself to any enquiries upon which the Council might decide.
Once the Wal-Wal dispute had been settled by arbiration, however, the
Italian Govemmcnt submitted its detailed memorandum to the Council in
support of its claim to liberty of action. It asserted that a case like that
of Ethiopia cannot be settled by the means provided by the Covenant. It
stated that, "since this question affects vital interest and is of primary
importance to Italian security and civilization" it "would be failing in its
most elementary duty, did it not cease once and for all to place any
confidence in Ethiopia, reserving full liberty to adopt any measures that
may become necessary to ensure the safety of its colonies and to
safeguard its own interests."
Covenant Violated
Those are the terms of the report of the Committee of Thirteen, The
Council and the Assembly unanimously adopted the conclusion that the
Italian Government had violated the Covenant and was in a state of
aggression. I did not hesitate to declare that I did not wish for war, that
it was imposed upon me, and I should struggle solely for the
independence and integrity of my people, and that in that struggle I was
the defender of the cause of all small States exposed to the greed of a
powerful neighbour.
In October, 1935. the 52 nations who are listening to me today gave me
an assurance that the aggressor would not triumph, that the resources
of the Covenant would be employed in order to ensure the reign of right
and the failure of violence.
I ask the fifty-two nations not to forget today the policy upon which
they embarked eight months ago, and on faith of which I directed the
resistance of my people against the aggressor whom they had
denounced to the world. Despite the inferiority of my weapons, the
complete lack of aircraft, artillery, munitions, hospital services, my
confidence in the League was absolute. I thought it to be impossible that
fifty-two nations, including the most powerful in the world, should be
successfully opposed by a single aggressor. Counting on the faith due to
treaties, I had made no preparation for war, and that is the case with
certain small countries in Europe.
When the danger became more urgent, being aware of my
responsibilities towards my people, during the first six months of 1935 I
tried to acquire armaments. Many Governments proclaimed an embargo
to prevent my doing so, whereas the Italian Government through the
Suez Canal, was given all facilities for transporting without cessation
and without protest, troops, arms, and munitions.
Forced to Mobilize
On October 3rd, 1935, the Italian troops invaded my territory. A few
hours later only I decreed general mobilization. In my desire to maintain
peace I had, following the example of a great country in Europe on the
eve of the Great War, caused my troops to withdraw thirty kilometres
so as to remove any pretext of provocation.
War then took place in the atrocious conditions which I have laid before
the Assembly. In that unequal struggle between a Government
commanding more than forty-two million inhabitants, having at its
disposal financial, industrial and technical means which enabled it to
create unlimited quantities of the most death-dealing weapons, and, on
the other hand, a small people of twelve million inhabitants, without
arms, without resources having on its side only the justice of its own
cause and the promise of the League of Nations. What real assistance
was given to Ethiopia by the fifty two nations who had declared the
Rome Government guilty of a breach of the Covenant and had
undertaken to prevent the triumph of the aggressor? Has each of the
States Members, as it was its duty to do in virtue of its signature
appended to Article 15 of the Covenant, considered the aggressor as
having committed an act of war personally directed against itself? I had
placed all my hopes in the execution of these undertakings. My
confidence had been confirmed by the repeated declarations made in the
Council to the effect that aggression must not be rewarded, and that
force would end by being compelled to bow before right.
In December, 1935, the Council made it quite clear that its feelings were
in harmony with those of hundreds of millions of people who, in all
parts of the world, had protested against the proposal to dismember
Ethiopia. It was constantly repeated that there was not merely a conflict
between the Italian Government and the League of Nadons, and that is
why I personally refused all proposals to my personal advantage made
to me by the Italian Government, if only I would betray my people and
the Covenant of the League of Nations. I was defending the cause of all
small peoples who are threatened with aggression.
What of Promises?
What have become of the promises made to me as long ago as October,
1935? I noted with grief, but without surprise that three Powers
considered their undertakings under the Covenant as absolutely of no
value. Their connections with Italy impelled them to refuse to take any
measures whatsoever in order to stop Italian aggression. On the
contrary, it was a profound disappointment to me to learn the attitude of
a certain Government which, whilst ever protesting its scrupulous
attachment to the Covenant, has tirelessly used all its efforts to prevent
its observance. As soon as any measure which was likely to be rapidly
effective was proposed, various pretexts were devised in order to
postpone even consideration of the measure. Did the secret agreements
of January, 1935, provide for this tireless obstruction?
The Ethiopian Government never expected other Governments to shed
their soldiers' blood to defend the Covenant when their own immediately
personal interests were not at stake. Ethiopian warriors asked only for
means to defend themselves. On many occasions I have asked for
financial assistance for the purchase of arms That assistance has been
constantly refused me. What, then, in practice, is the meaning of Article
16 of the Covenant and of collective security?
The Ethiopian Government's use of the railway from Djibouti to Addis
Ababa was in practice a hazardous regards transport of arms intended
for the Ethiopian forces. At the present moment this is the chief, if not
the only means of supply of the Italian armies of occupation. The rules
of neutrality should have prohibited transports intended for Italian
forces, but there is not even neutrality since Article 16 lays upon every
State Member of the League the duty not to remain a neutral but to
come to the aid not of the aggressor but of the victim of aggression.
Has the Covenant been respected? Is it today being respected?
Finally a statement has just been made in their Parliaments by the
Governments of certain Powers, amongst them the most influential
members of the League of Nations, that since the aggressor has
succeeded in occupying a large part of Ethiopian territory they propose
not to continue the application of any economic and financial measures
that may have been decided upon against the Italian Government. These
are the circumstances in which at the request of the Argentine
Government, the Assembly of the League of Nations meets to consider
the situation created by Italian aggression. I assert that the problem
submitted to the Assembly today is a much wider one. It is not merely a
question of the settlement of Italian aggression.
League Threatened
It is collective security: it is the very existence of the League of Nations.
It is the confidence that each State is to place in international treaties. It
is the value of promises made to small States that their integrity and
their independence shall be respected and ensured. It is the principle of
the equality of States on the one hand, or otherwise the obligation laid
upon smail Powers to accept the bonds of vassalship. In a word, it is
international morality that is at stake. Have the signatures appended to a
Treaty value only in so far as the signatory Powers have a personal,
direct and immediate interest involved?
No subtlety can change the problem or shift the grounds of the
discussion. It is in all sincerity that I submit these considerations to the
Assembly. At a time when my people are threatened with extermination,
when the support of the League may ward off the final blow, may I be
allowed to speak with complete frankness, without reticence, in all
directness such as is demanded by the rule of equality as between all
States Members of the League?
Apart from the Kingdom of the Lord there is not on this earth any nation
that is superior to any other. Should it happen that a strong Government
finds it may with impunity destroy a weak people, then the hour strikes
for that weak people to appeal to the League of Nations to give its
judgment in all freedom. God and history will remember your judgment.
Assistance Refused
I have heard it asserted that the inadequate sanctions already applied
have not achieved their object. At no time, and under no circumstances
could sanctions that were intentionally inadequate, intentionally badly
applied, stop an aggressor. This is not a case of the impossibility of
stopping an aggressor but of the refusal to stop an aggressor. When
Ethiopia requested and requests that she should be given financial
assistance, was that a measure which it was impossible to apply
whereas financial assistance of the League has been granted, even in
times of peace, to two countries and exactly to two countries who have
refused to apply sanctions against the aggressor?
Faced by numerous violations by the Italian Government of all
international treaties that prohibit resort to arms, and the use of
barbarous methods of warfare, it is my painful duty to note that the
initiative has today been taken with a view to raising sanctions. Does
this initiative not mean in practice the abandonment of Ethiopia to the
aggressor? On the very eve of the day when I was about to attempt a
supreme effort in the defense of my people before this Assembly does
not this initiative deprive Ethiopia of one of her last chances to succeed
in obtaining the support and guarantee of States Members? Is that the
guidance the League of Nations and each of the States Members are
entitled to expect from the great Powers when they assert their right
and their duty to guide the action of the League? Placed by the
aggressor face to face with the accomplished fact, are States going to
set up the terrible precendent of bowing before force?
Your Assembly will doubtless have laid before it proposals for the
reform of the Covenant and for rendering more effective the guarantee
of collective security. Is it the Covenant that needs reform? What
undertakings can have any value if the will to keep them is lacking? It is
international morality which is at stake and not the Articles of the
Covenant. On behalf of the Ethiopian people, a member of the League of
Nations, I request the Assembly to take all measures proper to ensure
respect for the Covenant. I renew my protest against the violations of
treaties of which the Ethiopian people has been the victim. I declare in
the face of the whole world that the Emperor, the Government and the
people of Ethiopia will not bow before force; that they maintain their
claims that they will use all means in their power to ensure the triumph
of right and the respect of the Covenant.
I ask the fifty-two nations, who have given the Ethiopian people a
promise to help them in their resistance to the aggressor, what are they
willing to do for Ethiopia? And the great Powers who have promised the
guarantee of collective security to small States on whom weighs the
threat that they may one day suffer the fate of Ethiopia, I ask what
measures do you intend to take?
Representatives of the World I have come to Geneva to discharge in
your midst the most painful of the duties of the head of a State. What
reply shall I have to take back to my people?"
June, 1936. Geneva, Switzerland.
Emperor Haile Selassie
June 1936
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"I, Haile Selassie I, Emperor
of Ethiopia, am here today to
claim that justice which is
due to my people, and the
assistance promised to it
eight months ago, when
fifty nations asserted that
aggression had been
committed in violation of
international treaties.
There is no precedent for a
Head of State himself
speaking in this assembly. But there is also no precedent for a people
being victim of such injustice and being at present threatened by
abandonment to its aggressor. Also, there has never before been an
example of any Government proceeding to the systematic extermination
of a nation by barbarous means, in violation of the most solemn
promises made by the nations of the earth that there should not be used
against innocent human beings the terrible poison of harmful gases. It is
to defend a people struggling for its age-old independence that the head
of the Ethiopian Empire has come to Geneva to fulfil this supreme duty,
after having himself fought at the head of his armies.
I pray to Almighty God that He may spare nations the terrible sufferings
that have just been inflicted on my people, and of which the chiefs who
accompany me here have been the horrified witnesses.
It is my duty to inform the Governments assembled in Geneva,
responsible as they are for the lives of millions of men, women and
children, of the deadly peril which threatens them, by describing to
them the fate which has been suffered by Ethiopia. It is not only upon
warriors that the Italian Government has made war. It has above all
attacked populations far removed from hostilities, in order to terrorize
and exterminate them.
At the beginning, towards the end of 1935, Italian aircraft hurled upon
my armies bombs of tear-gas. Their effects were but slight. The
soldiers learned to scatter, waiting until the wind had rapidly dispersed
the poisonous gases. The Italian aircraft then resorted to mustard gas.
Barrels of liquid were hurled upon armed groups. But this means also
was not effective; the liquid affected only a few soldiers, and barrels
upon the ground were themselves a warning to troops and to the
population of the danger.
It was at the time when the operations for the encircling of Makalle
were taking place that the Italian command, fearing a rout, followed the
procedure which it is now my duty to denounce to the world. Special
sprayers were installed on board aircraft so that they could vaporize,
over vast areas of territory, a fine, death-dealing rain. Groups of nine,
fifteen, eighteen aircraft followed one another so that the fog issuing
from them formed a continuous sheet. It was thus that, as from the end
of January, 1936, soldiers, women, children, cattle, rivers, lakes and
pastures were drenched continually with this deadly rain. In order to kill
off systematically all living creatures, in order to more surely to poison
waters and pastures, the Italian command made its aircraft pass over
and over again. That was its chief method of warfare.
Ravage and Terror
The very refinement of barbarism consisted in carrying ravage and
terror into the most densely populated parts of the territory, the points
farthest removed from the scene of hostilities. The object was to scatter
fear and death over a great part of the Ethiopian territory. These fearful
tactics succeeded. Men and animals succumbed. The deadly rain that
fell from the aircraft made all those whom it touched fly shrieking with
pain. All those who drank the poisoned water or ate the infected food
also succumbed in dreadful suffering. In tens of thousands, the victims
of the Italian mustard gas fell. It is in order to denounce to the civilized
world the tortures inflicted upon the Ethiopian people that I resolved to
come to Geneva. None other than myself and my brave companions in
arms could bring the League of Nations the undeniable proof. The
appeals of my delegates addressed to the League of Nations had
remained without any answer; my delegates had not been witnesses.
That is why I decided to come myself to bear witness against the crime
perpetrated against my people and give Europe a warning of the doom
that awaits it, if it should bow before the accomplished fact.
Is it necessary to remind the Assembly of the various stages of the
Ethiopian drama? For 20 years past, either as Heir Apparent, Regent of
the Empire, or as Emperor, I have never ceased to use all my efforts to
bring my country the benefits of civilization, and in particular to
establish relations of good neighbourliness with adjacent powers. In
particular I succeeded in concluding with Italy the Treaty of Friendship
of 1928, which absolutely prohibited the resort, under any pretext
whatsoever, to force of arms, substituting for force and pressure the
conciliation and arbitration on which civilized nations have based
international order.
Country More United
In its report of October 5th 1935, the Committee of Thirteen recognized
my effort and the results that I had achieved. The Governments thought
that the entry of Ethiopia into the League, whilst giving that country a
new guarantee for the maintenance of her territorial integrity and
independence, would help her to reach a higher level of civilization. It
does not seem that in Ethiopia today there is more disorder and
insecurity than in 1923. On the contrary, the country is more united and
the central power is better obeyed.
I should have procured still greater results for my people if obstacles of
every kind had not been put in the way by the Italian Government, the
Government which stirred up revolt and armed the rebels. Indeed the
Rome Government, as it has today openly proclaimed, has never ceased
to prepare for the conquest of Ethiopia. The Treaties of Friendship it
signed with me were not sincere; their only object was to hide its real
intention from me. The Italian Goverment asserts that for 14 years it
has been preparing for its present conquest. It therefore recognizes
today that when it supported the admission of Ethiopia to the League of
Nations in 1923, when it concluded the Treaty of Friendship in 1928,
when it signed the Pact of Paris outlawing war, it was deceiving the
whole world. The Ethiopian Government was, in these solemn treaties,
given additional guarantees of security which would enable it to achieve
further progress along the specific path of reform on which it had set
its feet, and to which it was devoting all its strength and all its heart.
Wal-Wal Pretext
The Wal-Wal incident, in December, 1934, came as a thunderbolt to
me. The Italian provocation was obvious and I did not hesitate to appeal
to the League of Nations. I invoked the provisions of the treaty of 1928,
the principles of the Covenant; I urged the procedure of conciliation and
arbitration. Unhappily for Ethiopia this was the time when a certain
Government considered that the European situation made it imperative at
all costs to obtain the friendship of Italy. The price paid was the
abandonment of Ethiopian independence to the greed of the Italian
Government. This secret agreement, contrary to the obligations of the
Covenant, has exerted a great influence over the course of events.
Ethiopia and the whole world have suffered and are still suffering today
its disastrous consequences.
This first violation of the Covenant was followed by many others.
Feeling itself encouraged in its policy against Ethiopia, the Rome
Government feverishly made war preparations, thinking that the
concerted pressure which was beginning to be exerted on the Ethiopian
Government, might perhaps not overcome the resistance of my people
to Italian domination. The time had to come, thus all sorts of difficulties
were placed in the way with a view to breaking up the procedure; of
conciliation and arbitration. All kinds of obstacles were placed in the
way of that procedure. Governments tried to prevent the Ethiopian
Government from finding arbitrators amongst their nationals: when once
the arbitral tribunal a was set up pressure was exercised so that an
award favourable to Italy should be given.
All this was in vain: the arbitrators, two of whom were Italian officials,
were forced to recognize unanimously that in the Wal-Wal incident, as
in the subsequent incidents, no international responsibility was to be
attributed to Ethiopia.
Peace Efforts
Following on this award. the Ethiopian Government sincerely thought
that an era of friendly relations might be opened with Italy. I loyally
offered my hand to the Roman Government. The Assembly was
informed by the report of the Committee of Thirteen, dated October
5th, 1935, of the details of the events which occurred after the month
of December, 1934, and up to October 3rd, 1935.
It will be sufficient if I quote a few of the conclusions of that report
Nos. 24, 25 and 26 "The Italian memorandum (containing the
complaints made by Italy) was laid on the Council table on September
4th, 1935, whereas Ethiopia's first appeal to the Council had been made
on December 14th, 1934. In the interval between these two dates, the
Italian Government opposed the consideration of the question by the
Council on the ground that the only appropriate procedure was that
provided for in the Italo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1928. Throughout the
whole of that period, moreover, the despatch of Italian troops to East
Africa was proceeding. These shipments of troops were represented to
the Council by the Italian Government as necessary for the defense of
its colonies menaced by Ethiopia's preparations. Ethiopia, on the
contrary, drew attention to the official pronouncements made in Italy
which, in its opinion, left no doubt "as to the hostile intentions of the
Italian Government."
From the outset of the dispute, the Ethiopian Government has sought a
settlement by peaceful means. It has appealed to the procedures of the
Covenant. The Italian Government desiring to keep strictly to the
procedures of the Italo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1928, the Ethiopian
Government assented. It invariably stated that it would faithfully carry
out the arbitral award even if the decision went against it. It agreed that
the question of the ownership of Wal-Wal should not be dealt with by
the arbitrators, because the Italian Government would not agree to such
a course. It asked the Council to despatch neutral observers and offered
to lend itself to any enquiries upon which the Council might decide.
Once the Wal-Wal dispute had been settled by arbiration, however, the
Italian Govemmcnt submitted its detailed memorandum to the Council in
support of its claim to liberty of action. It asserted that a case like that
of Ethiopia cannot be settled by the means provided by the Covenant. It
stated that, "since this question affects vital interest and is of primary
importance to Italian security and civilization" it "would be failing in its
most elementary duty, did it not cease once and for all to place any
confidence in Ethiopia, reserving full liberty to adopt any measures that
may become necessary to ensure the safety of its colonies and to
safeguard its own interests."
Covenant Violated
Those are the terms of the report of the Committee of Thirteen, The
Council and the Assembly unanimously adopted the conclusion that the
Italian Government had violated the Covenant and was in a state of
aggression. I did not hesitate to declare that I did not wish for war, that
it was imposed upon me, and I should struggle solely for the
independence and integrity of my people, and that in that struggle I was
the defender of the cause of all small States exposed to the greed of a
powerful neighbour.
In October, 1935. the 52 nations who are listening to me today gave me
an assurance that the aggressor would not triumph, that the resources
of the Covenant would be employed in order to ensure the reign of right
and the failure of violence.
I ask the fifty-two nations not to forget today the policy upon which
they embarked eight months ago, and on faith of which I directed the
resistance of my people against the aggressor whom they had
denounced to the world. Despite the inferiority of my weapons, the
complete lack of aircraft, artillery, munitions, hospital services, my
confidence in the League was absolute. I thought it to be impossible that
fifty-two nations, including the most powerful in the world, should be
successfully opposed by a single aggressor. Counting on the faith due to
treaties, I had made no preparation for war, and that is the case with
certain small countries in Europe.
When the danger became more urgent, being aware of my
responsibilities towards my people, during the first six months of 1935 I
tried to acquire armaments. Many Governments proclaimed an embargo
to prevent my doing so, whereas the Italian Government through the
Suez Canal, was given all facilities for transporting without cessation
and without protest, troops, arms, and munitions.
Forced to Mobilize
On October 3rd, 1935, the Italian troops invaded my territory. A few
hours later only I decreed general mobilization. In my desire to maintain
peace I had, following the example of a great country in Europe on the
eve of the Great War, caused my troops to withdraw thirty kilometres
so as to remove any pretext of provocation.
War then took place in the atrocious conditions which I have laid before
the Assembly. In that unequal struggle between a Government
commanding more than forty-two million inhabitants, having at its
disposal financial, industrial and technical means which enabled it to
create unlimited quantities of the most death-dealing weapons, and, on
the other hand, a small people of twelve million inhabitants, without
arms, without resources having on its side only the justice of its own
cause and the promise of the League of Nations. What real assistance
was given to Ethiopia by the fifty two nations who had declared the
Rome Government guilty of a breach of the Covenant and had
undertaken to prevent the triumph of the aggressor? Has each of the
States Members, as it was its duty to do in virtue of its signature
appended to Article 15 of the Covenant, considered the aggressor as
having committed an act of war personally directed against itself? I had
placed all my hopes in the execution of these undertakings. My
confidence had been confirmed by the repeated declarations made in the
Council to the effect that aggression must not be rewarded, and that
force would end by being compelled to bow before right.
In December, 1935, the Council made it quite clear that its feelings were
in harmony with those of hundreds of millions of people who, in all
parts of the world, had protested against the proposal to dismember
Ethiopia. It was constantly repeated that there was not merely a conflict
between the Italian Government and the League of Nadons, and that is
why I personally refused all proposals to my personal advantage made
to me by the Italian Government, if only I would betray my people and
the Covenant of the League of Nations. I was defending the cause of all
small peoples who are threatened with aggression.
What of Promises?
What have become of the promises made to me as long ago as October,
1935? I noted with grief, but without surprise that three Powers
considered their undertakings under the Covenant as absolutely of no
value. Their connections with Italy impelled them to refuse to take any
measures whatsoever in order to stop Italian aggression. On the
contrary, it was a profound disappointment to me to learn the attitude of
a certain Government which, whilst ever protesting its scrupulous
attachment to the Covenant, has tirelessly used all its efforts to prevent
its observance. As soon as any measure which was likely to be rapidly
effective was proposed, various pretexts were devised in order to
postpone even consideration of the measure. Did the secret agreements
of January, 1935, provide for this tireless obstruction?
The Ethiopian Government never expected other Governments to shed
their soldiers' blood to defend the Covenant when their own immediately
personal interests were not at stake. Ethiopian warriors asked only for
means to defend themselves. On many occasions I have asked for
financial assistance for the purchase of arms That assistance has been
constantly refused me. What, then, in practice, is the meaning of Article
16 of the Covenant and of collective security?
The Ethiopian Government's use of the railway from Djibouti to Addis
Ababa was in practice a hazardous regards transport of arms intended
for the Ethiopian forces. At the present moment this is the chief, if not
the only means of supply of the Italian armies of occupation. The rules
of neutrality should have prohibited transports intended for Italian
forces, but there is not even neutrality since Article 16 lays upon every
State Member of the League the duty not to remain a neutral but to
come to the aid not of the aggressor but of the victim of aggression.
Has the Covenant been respected? Is it today being respected?
Finally a statement has just been made in their Parliaments by the
Governments of certain Powers, amongst them the most influential
members of the League of Nations, that since the aggressor has
succeeded in occupying a large part of Ethiopian territory they propose
not to continue the application of any economic and financial measures
that may have been decided upon against the Italian Government. These
are the circumstances in which at the request of the Argentine
Government, the Assembly of the League of Nations meets to consider
the situation created by Italian aggression. I assert that the problem
submitted to the Assembly today is a much wider one. It is not merely a
question of the settlement of Italian aggression.
League Threatened
It is collective security: it is the very existence of the League of Nations.
It is the confidence that each State is to place in international treaties. It
is the value of promises made to small States that their integrity and
their independence shall be respected and ensured. It is the principle of
the equality of States on the one hand, or otherwise the obligation laid
upon smail Powers to accept the bonds of vassalship. In a word, it is
international morality that is at stake. Have the signatures appended to a
Treaty value only in so far as the signatory Powers have a personal,
direct and immediate interest involved?
No subtlety can change the problem or shift the grounds of the
discussion. It is in all sincerity that I submit these considerations to the
Assembly. At a time when my people are threatened with extermination,
when the support of the League may ward off the final blow, may I be
allowed to speak with complete frankness, without reticence, in all
directness such as is demanded by the rule of equality as between all
States Members of the League?
Apart from the Kingdom of the Lord there is not on this earth any nation
that is superior to any other. Should it happen that a strong Government
finds it may with impunity destroy a weak people, then the hour strikes
for that weak people to appeal to the League of Nations to give its
judgment in all freedom. God and history will remember your judgment.
Assistance Refused
I have heard it asserted that the inadequate sanctions already applied
have not achieved their object. At no time, and under no circumstances
could sanctions that were intentionally inadequate, intentionally badly
applied, stop an aggressor. This is not a case of the impossibility of
stopping an aggressor but of the refusal to stop an aggressor. When
Ethiopia requested and requests that she should be given financial
assistance, was that a measure which it was impossible to apply
whereas financial assistance of the League has been granted, even in
times of peace, to two countries and exactly to two countries who have
refused to apply sanctions against the aggressor?
Faced by numerous violations by the Italian Government of all
international treaties that prohibit resort to arms, and the use of
barbarous methods of warfare, it is my painful duty to note that the
initiative has today been taken with a view to raising sanctions. Does
this initiative not mean in practice the abandonment of Ethiopia to the
aggressor? On the very eve of the day when I was about to attempt a
supreme effort in the defense of my people before this Assembly does
not this initiative deprive Ethiopia of one of her last chances to succeed
in obtaining the support and guarantee of States Members? Is that the
guidance the League of Nations and each of the States Members are
entitled to expect from the great Powers when they assert their right
and their duty to guide the action of the League? Placed by the
aggressor face to face with the accomplished fact, are States going to
set up the terrible precendent of bowing before force?
Your Assembly will doubtless have laid before it proposals for the
reform of the Covenant and for rendering more effective the guarantee
of collective security. Is it the Covenant that needs reform? What
undertakings can have any value if the will to keep them is lacking? It is
international morality which is at stake and not the Articles of the
Covenant. On behalf of the Ethiopian people, a member of the League of
Nations, I request the Assembly to take all measures proper to ensure
respect for the Covenant. I renew my protest against the violations of
treaties of which the Ethiopian people has been the victim. I declare in
the face of the whole world that the Emperor, the Government and the
people of Ethiopia will not bow before force; that they maintain their
claims that they will use all means in their power to ensure the triumph
of right and the respect of the Covenant.
I ask the fifty-two nations, who have given the Ethiopian people a
promise to help them in their resistance to the aggressor, what are they
willing to do for Ethiopia? And the great Powers who have promised the
guarantee of collective security to small States on whom weighs the
threat that they may one day suffer the fate of Ethiopia, I ask what
measures do you intend to take?
Representatives of the World I have come to Geneva to discharge in
your midst the most painful of the duties of the head of a State. What
reply shall I have to take back to my people?"
June, 1936. Geneva, Switzerland.
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