Analysis
Eritrea: Bondage in the Horn of Africa
29 September, 2011 | Lee Mwiti (Daily Nation)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
rounded up journalists and reformists deemed critical of the regime.
CPJ believes up to 16 journalists from those crackdowns are still held
in secret prisons around the reclusive country.
Any scant information about their fate has been gleaned from sources
such as escaping guards who paint a grim picture of the hellish
conditions that exist in these prisons.
Many of the held journalists are since believed to have died in
incarceration.
Dawit, who holds dual Eritrean and Swedish citizenship has remained
the "poster prisoner" of that crackdown. It seems like even
Stockholm, known for upholding human rights, has given up on him.
But there may be hope for him, albeit slim. Last week, a strongly-
worded European Parliament resolution called for Eritrea to "...
Immediately release independent journalists and all others who have
been jailed simply for exercising their right to freedom of expression."
The European Union is the largest aid donor to Eritrea, suggesting that
its statement could coax a reaction out of the authorities.
In addition, after years of shouldering a pariah-state tag, the country's
President, Isaias Aferwerki, has also been on an international charm
offensive.
"President Aferwerki has been trying to dig the country out of
international isolation and may just be willing to listen," says CPJ's
East Africa Correspondent, Tom Rhodes.
Recently however, a minister in the Eritrean government while on a
trip to Sweden said it was time to "move on" from the Dawit saga,
casting doubt as to whether Asmara can succumb to the international
pressure over the jailed journalists.
"It is a morbid picture but we at CPJ we are not going to give up on
pushing for their rights," says Mr Rhodes.
This unwanted anniversary of sorts has highlighted the dangerous
reporting environment in the Horn of Africa, region already struggling
with natural calamities.
Two weeks ago, Ethiopia arrested two independent journalists under
a far-reaching controversial anti-terrorism law, bringing to six the
number of journalists held under the recently enacted legislation.
The law effectively criminalises reporting opposition groups including
the Oromo Liberation Front and Ginbot-7, with jail terms of up to 20
years provided for those who would run afoul of it.
Earlier this month Ethiopian journalist Argaw Ashine was forced to
flee after a confidential US diplomatic cable leaked by whistle-
blowing website WikiLeaks mentioned him by name as having tipped
off journalists of a now-defunct private paper of their impending arrest.
The Ethiopian government has recently been accused of clamping
down on the few remaining independent media outlets using the law.
"There seems to be government fears of a similar Arab Spring,
especially after reports of a planned protest earlier this year," says Mr
Rhodes.
In May this year as the ruling party marked 20 years in power there
was an on-line campaign dubbed Beka! (Enough!) calling for a
revolution in the country following a spate of uprisings in Arab
countries, but which dissipated harmlessly.
In the semi-autonomous region of Puntland, 20-year-old radio
journalist Horriyo Abdulkadir Sheik Ali was shot four times on
September 14. She is still recovering from the attack.
So what seems to have suddenly changed in the region?
Observers say that while reporting in the Horn of Africa has always
been dangerous, the twin issues of WikiLeaks and, interestingly, the
"[Rupert] Murdoch Effect" have had a hand.
"These two events have pushed governments to heighten their
sensitivity to the press. Journalists are now either targeted or have
become more wary," Mr Amadou Mahtar Ba, the chief executive
officer of the African Media Initiative (AMI), a programme that looks
out for the region's media interests, told the Africa Review, The Africa
and Digital Division of the Nation Media Group.
The hacking case facing the empire of media mogul Rupert Murdoch
has been seized upon as evidence of the lack of journalistic ethics, he
says.
"Politicians and governments have taken to labelling journalists as
corrupt, untrained depicting them as the enemy."
Mr Ba however does not think the Arab Spring played a role given
the media in those countries were already mostly under government
control.
"Local media did not play a big role; it was more of citizen power,
with new communication tools. For example, in Mali and Mauritania
there wasn't the same agitation, despite the media reporting widely on
events up North.
"This begs the question: Are traditional media forms still relevant?"
Mr Salim Amin, the chair of independent pan-African outlet A24
Media, thinks they are.
"Journalists are going to continue to play a more important role even in
the face of social media. The importance of cross checking facts and
providing context remains key," says Mr Amin.
The son of renowned photojournalist Mohamed Amin, he also thinks
the change protests in the Arab world may be playing a role in making
governments in the Horn more paranoid.
"I think there is definitely a fall-out from what happened in North
Africa. Social media is what is worrying these governments. More
platforms have allowed independent media to flourish and are now
more influential," he said.
"My big worry is that independent media will be pushed out as they
do not have the tools to operate in this new environment."
Both Mr Ba and Mr Amin are agreed that there has been a slide in the
ease of reporting in the region.
"What has changed is the fact that we are getting to hear these stories
more due to improved communication and the activities of bodies
such as watchdogs," said Mr Amin.
The African Media Initiative will have the issue on its agenda when it
meets this November through its annual Media Leaders Forum, set
for Tunis this November.
"We are clearly concerned about the situation. We have seen many
countries sliding back, and this is a big shame. In Tunis in our final
declaration we will seek to have a strong call for action," said Mr Ba.
But the AMI boss added that improving journalists' safety will have to
come from the industry itself, including the upholding of high standards
and ethics so as to remove loopholes governments could exploit.
The organisation is working on a charter for the industry to be
presented in Tunis for the media leader's approval.
Courtesy
Eritrea: Bondage in the Horn of Africa
29 September, 2011 | Lee Mwiti (Daily Nation)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
- Every September's end since 2001, media
watchdog the Committee to Protect
Journalists has religiously put out a
statement highlighting the case of jailed
Eritrean/Swedish journalist Dawit Isaac,
one of the region's longest serving prisoners
of conscience.
- And every time the consistent response by
Eritrea nation has remained the same:
Studious silence.
- On September 23, Dawit marked ten years
of incarceration since his arrest in 2001
rounded up journalists and reformists deemed critical of the regime.
CPJ believes up to 16 journalists from those crackdowns are still held
in secret prisons around the reclusive country.
Any scant information about their fate has been gleaned from sources
such as escaping guards who paint a grim picture of the hellish
conditions that exist in these prisons.
Many of the held journalists are since believed to have died in
incarceration.
Dawit, who holds dual Eritrean and Swedish citizenship has remained
the "poster prisoner" of that crackdown. It seems like even
Stockholm, known for upholding human rights, has given up on him.
But there may be hope for him, albeit slim. Last week, a strongly-
worded European Parliament resolution called for Eritrea to "...
Immediately release independent journalists and all others who have
been jailed simply for exercising their right to freedom of expression."
The European Union is the largest aid donor to Eritrea, suggesting that
its statement could coax a reaction out of the authorities.
In addition, after years of shouldering a pariah-state tag, the country's
President, Isaias Aferwerki, has also been on an international charm
offensive.
"President Aferwerki has been trying to dig the country out of
international isolation and may just be willing to listen," says CPJ's
East Africa Correspondent, Tom Rhodes.
Recently however, a minister in the Eritrean government while on a
trip to Sweden said it was time to "move on" from the Dawit saga,
casting doubt as to whether Asmara can succumb to the international
pressure over the jailed journalists.
"It is a morbid picture but we at CPJ we are not going to give up on
pushing for their rights," says Mr Rhodes.
This unwanted anniversary of sorts has highlighted the dangerous
reporting environment in the Horn of Africa, region already struggling
with natural calamities.
Two weeks ago, Ethiopia arrested two independent journalists under
a far-reaching controversial anti-terrorism law, bringing to six the
number of journalists held under the recently enacted legislation.
The law effectively criminalises reporting opposition groups including
the Oromo Liberation Front and Ginbot-7, with jail terms of up to 20
years provided for those who would run afoul of it.
Earlier this month Ethiopian journalist Argaw Ashine was forced to
flee after a confidential US diplomatic cable leaked by whistle-
blowing website WikiLeaks mentioned him by name as having tipped
off journalists of a now-defunct private paper of their impending arrest.
The Ethiopian government has recently been accused of clamping
down on the few remaining independent media outlets using the law.
"There seems to be government fears of a similar Arab Spring,
especially after reports of a planned protest earlier this year," says Mr
Rhodes.
In May this year as the ruling party marked 20 years in power there
was an on-line campaign dubbed Beka! (Enough!) calling for a
revolution in the country following a spate of uprisings in Arab
countries, but which dissipated harmlessly.
In the semi-autonomous region of Puntland, 20-year-old radio
journalist Horriyo Abdulkadir Sheik Ali was shot four times on
September 14. She is still recovering from the attack.
So what seems to have suddenly changed in the region?
Observers say that while reporting in the Horn of Africa has always
been dangerous, the twin issues of WikiLeaks and, interestingly, the
"[Rupert] Murdoch Effect" have had a hand.
"These two events have pushed governments to heighten their
sensitivity to the press. Journalists are now either targeted or have
become more wary," Mr Amadou Mahtar Ba, the chief executive
officer of the African Media Initiative (AMI), a programme that looks
out for the region's media interests, told the Africa Review, The Africa
and Digital Division of the Nation Media Group.
The hacking case facing the empire of media mogul Rupert Murdoch
has been seized upon as evidence of the lack of journalistic ethics, he
says.
"Politicians and governments have taken to labelling journalists as
corrupt, untrained depicting them as the enemy."
Mr Ba however does not think the Arab Spring played a role given
the media in those countries were already mostly under government
control.
"Local media did not play a big role; it was more of citizen power,
with new communication tools. For example, in Mali and Mauritania
there wasn't the same agitation, despite the media reporting widely on
events up North.
"This begs the question: Are traditional media forms still relevant?"
Mr Salim Amin, the chair of independent pan-African outlet A24
Media, thinks they are.
"Journalists are going to continue to play a more important role even in
the face of social media. The importance of cross checking facts and
providing context remains key," says Mr Amin.
The son of renowned photojournalist Mohamed Amin, he also thinks
the change protests in the Arab world may be playing a role in making
governments in the Horn more paranoid.
"I think there is definitely a fall-out from what happened in North
Africa. Social media is what is worrying these governments. More
platforms have allowed independent media to flourish and are now
more influential," he said.
"My big worry is that independent media will be pushed out as they
do not have the tools to operate in this new environment."
Both Mr Ba and Mr Amin are agreed that there has been a slide in the
ease of reporting in the region.
"What has changed is the fact that we are getting to hear these stories
more due to improved communication and the activities of bodies
such as watchdogs," said Mr Amin.
The African Media Initiative will have the issue on its agenda when it
meets this November through its annual Media Leaders Forum, set
for Tunis this November.
"We are clearly concerned about the situation. We have seen many
countries sliding back, and this is a big shame. In Tunis in our final
declaration we will seek to have a strong call for action," said Mr Ba.
But the AMI boss added that improving journalists' safety will have to
come from the industry itself, including the upholding of high standards
and ethics so as to remove loopholes governments could exploit.
The organisation is working on a charter for the industry to be
presented in Tunis for the media leader's approval.
Courtesy
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