Eritrea spurs insecurity in the Horn of Africa
25 August, 2010 | By Jonathan Manthorpe (Vancouver Sun)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Former rebel leader, now president, Isaias Afwerki has created
one of the world's nastiest dictatorships
though the same question is just as valid today, "Somalia would be
handed to the Eritreans to run."
"Problem is," he went on, "the Eritreans are far too sensible to take
the deal."
At that time, in the early 1990s, the Eritreans stood out as among the
most competent and functional nations in a continent without traction.
Eritrea was at that time part of Ethiopia and gave the Horn of Africa
nation its only access to the ocean, the Red Sea.
But the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) had already
liberated most of its country and was the driving force in the rebel
armies then closing in on the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa to oust
the dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam.
What has happened since is a sad failure of one of the most promising
new nations in Africa. Instead of emerging as an example of what can
be achieved, Eritrea is now entrenched as a problem whose name
always pops up when there is trouble in the Horn of Africa.
Who's sending arms to the al-Shabaab militant Islamists in Somalia as
they attempt to overthrow the remnants of the feeble UN-backed
transitional government in Mogadishu?
Eritrea.
Just to the north in Puntland, a mini-state created in 1998 in an
attempt to fashion a functional nation out of Somalia's chaos, who's
sending guns to the anti-government warlord Mohamed Said Atom?
Eritrea.
Whose troops invaded the border region of Djibouti a while ago,
perplexing not only the French and Americans who have substantial
military bases in the former French colony, but also Ethiopia?
Eritrea, of course.
But it is not Eritrea and Eritreans who are to blame for their country
becoming a hub of regional insecurity.
That credit goes to their president, Isaias Afwerki, the former leader
of the EPLF, who has achieved the sorry distinction of creating one of
the world's nastiest dictatorships.
Afwerki's approach to personal political survival depends on
fomenting disputes with his neighbours while brooking no opposition
or transparency at home.
Even though Eritrea emerged from the Ethiopian civil war with many
problems, there was much optimism that Afwerki was the man for the
job after the 1993 UN-supervised referendum created the new nation.
But Afwerki soon displayed his dictatorial instincts. Within months of
the referendum, he ordered imprisonment of injured war veterans who
had the temerity to protest against their difficult living conditions.
Then he shut down human rights organizations and expelled
international development agencies.
The media are now totally government owned and directed. Would-
be independent journalists make up a large group among the country's
political prisoners.
There was meant to be the introduction of a democratic constitution
and elections in 1997. But these never happened and a couple of
years ago Afwerki said he believes it will be "three or four decades"
before the country is ready for elections.
As always happens, the more he has consolidated power, the more
paranoid and suspicious he has become about the loyalty of those
around him.
In 2001 a dozen or so of the top officials in his government, most of
whom had been friends and allies since the early days of their
separatist uprising, were detained on suspicion of treason.
But Afwerki's special fear is neighbouring Ethiopia, which is a bit
ironic because that's where his family comes from.
He pushed disputes over the new Eritrea-Ethiopia border into a full-
blown war in 1998 and has done all he can to cause problems for the
Addis Ababa government ever since.
Late last year the UN and the United States imposed sanctions on
Afwerki's regime for its arms shipments to al-Shabaab in Somalia and
incursions into Djibouti.
Afwerki has withdrawn from Djibouti, but there are as-yet
unconfirmed reports he has taken on a new role as a proxy for Iran in
its contest with Saudi Arabia and Egypt for influence in the region.
jmanthorpe@vancouversun.com
Courtesy
25 August, 2010 | By Jonathan Manthorpe (Vancouver Sun)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Former rebel leader, now president, Isaias Afwerki has created
one of the world's nastiest dictatorships
- Lying flat in Mogadishu
while bullets thudded
into the wall behind
which we were
cowering, an American
buddy and I were
discussing what to do
about the chaos that is
Somalia.
"If the world had any
though the same question is just as valid today, "Somalia would be
handed to the Eritreans to run."
"Problem is," he went on, "the Eritreans are far too sensible to take
the deal."
At that time, in the early 1990s, the Eritreans stood out as among the
most competent and functional nations in a continent without traction.
Eritrea was at that time part of Ethiopia and gave the Horn of Africa
nation its only access to the ocean, the Red Sea.
But the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) had already
liberated most of its country and was the driving force in the rebel
armies then closing in on the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa to oust
the dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam.
What has happened since is a sad failure of one of the most promising
new nations in Africa. Instead of emerging as an example of what can
be achieved, Eritrea is now entrenched as a problem whose name
always pops up when there is trouble in the Horn of Africa.
Who's sending arms to the al-Shabaab militant Islamists in Somalia as
they attempt to overthrow the remnants of the feeble UN-backed
transitional government in Mogadishu?
Eritrea.
Just to the north in Puntland, a mini-state created in 1998 in an
attempt to fashion a functional nation out of Somalia's chaos, who's
sending guns to the anti-government warlord Mohamed Said Atom?
Eritrea.
Whose troops invaded the border region of Djibouti a while ago,
perplexing not only the French and Americans who have substantial
military bases in the former French colony, but also Ethiopia?
Eritrea, of course.
But it is not Eritrea and Eritreans who are to blame for their country
becoming a hub of regional insecurity.
That credit goes to their president, Isaias Afwerki, the former leader
of the EPLF, who has achieved the sorry distinction of creating one of
the world's nastiest dictatorships.
Afwerki's approach to personal political survival depends on
fomenting disputes with his neighbours while brooking no opposition
or transparency at home.
Even though Eritrea emerged from the Ethiopian civil war with many
problems, there was much optimism that Afwerki was the man for the
job after the 1993 UN-supervised referendum created the new nation.
But Afwerki soon displayed his dictatorial instincts. Within months of
the referendum, he ordered imprisonment of injured war veterans who
had the temerity to protest against their difficult living conditions.
Then he shut down human rights organizations and expelled
international development agencies.
The media are now totally government owned and directed. Would-
be independent journalists make up a large group among the country's
political prisoners.
There was meant to be the introduction of a democratic constitution
and elections in 1997. But these never happened and a couple of
years ago Afwerki said he believes it will be "three or four decades"
before the country is ready for elections.
As always happens, the more he has consolidated power, the more
paranoid and suspicious he has become about the loyalty of those
around him.
In 2001 a dozen or so of the top officials in his government, most of
whom had been friends and allies since the early days of their
separatist uprising, were detained on suspicion of treason.
But Afwerki's special fear is neighbouring Ethiopia, which is a bit
ironic because that's where his family comes from.
He pushed disputes over the new Eritrea-Ethiopia border into a full-
blown war in 1998 and has done all he can to cause problems for the
Addis Ababa government ever since.
Late last year the UN and the United States imposed sanctions on
Afwerki's regime for its arms shipments to al-Shabaab in Somalia and
incursions into Djibouti.
Afwerki has withdrawn from Djibouti, but there are as-yet
unconfirmed reports he has taken on a new role as a proxy for Iran in
its contest with Saudi Arabia and Egypt for influence in the region.
jmanthorpe@vancouversun.com
Courtesy
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